183rd Bardot Blog: The Real Biography of Medeia, Prelude to her Confrontation with the Kreon of Thebes

We left off at some fifteen years before Medeia was able to return to the Isthmus of Ephyrëa and begin the ascendancy that would make her the Supreme Sister over the AcroKorinth or capital high city. We also left off developments abroad the High Kingdom of Kadmeis, future Thebes, and the Kingdom over the Westlands under Pelops the Conqueror, the future Great Wanax over Argolis.

Interactions between Pelops at his designs for Argolis and Labdakos before his ascension to High King over Kadmeis concerne us in this particular posting. They begin facts, circumstances and developments that lead a very long way around sevral convoluted mini-plots to two persons at a confrontation to the death of either of them. It’s a story, of course, that worth all th umping around in a circular manner of exposition.

She’s still our center of gravity and our mistress to 
compel the ill-Fates inherent  our series of Bardot Blogs

Since 1415, Pelops had designs of retribution upon Argolis on account of predatory sons who had cut loose at mayhem and ravage despite their father Elektryon the Great Wanax of the Persëid Dynasty. Those Argives rampageous adventurers throughout the western seas of Greece and along the west coast of Anatolia were called the Elektryonids, but they were just a name for a greater following of thugs of brutally decadent ways. Pelops made his first inroads by an invasion of Elaea, a petty kingdom of the Southland that would become the Peloponnesus as named for the Conquerors. That invasion was followed by many conquests of chieftainates and petty kingdoms alike. They became the Westlands, our term to encapsulate their many names and the leading tribes that contested for sovereign rights to rule them.

We also have reintroduced Labdakos for his preeminent direct lineage from the patriarch Kadmos and the nativist Aionian matriarch Harmonia. A High Prince long repressed at ascendancy by two pairs of co-regents who usurped the High King Polydoros on account of his ineptitude and nigh insanity. His patience greatly tried, Labdakos put himself and a strong force of champions-at-arms out on mercenary hire, initially at attempts to repulse the conquests of Pelops. The two men, both fathers of young and ably militant sons, became friends instead of enemies. Labdakos trusted Pelops motives of ultimate retribution against the Argives. Why shouldn’t he bide his time by expanding his initial conquests to a much stronger basis to perform his ultimate retribution? Weren’t Pelops’ enemies greatly his inferiors, even if he, Labdakos, stood strong and preeminent over their puny coalition under Oinemaos. That High Chief, born to Elaea but much more famous as an equestrian martial-at-arms, was the husband of an Argive Great Princess by a branch royal lineage of the Persëid Dynasty, the Sthenelids. Conceited as a Martial at Horse, he met his match in Pelops who easily crushed the equestrian greatest forces of Oinemaos and his daughter’s husband Myrtilos.

Having both questions answered so easily, to decades went by of friendship between the once would-be foes. Labdakos shared his frustrations at being kept down by his uncle Lykos, his regent and the also the regent guardian over his son Laios. Pelops was patient to earn the trust of the South Highlanders by investing his advanced civilization by Anatolia in that nation race. Never an enemy made, therefore, those Highlanders interposed Pelops advances upon imperial Argolis because of their alpine tribal territories as strong league with each other. Except for Stymphalos, a highland high chief who would repulse any and all avenues of Pelops’ advances eastward upon the Great Argive Plain and Inachus River Basin of Argolis, the Conqueror and his nephew Pleisthenes brought great aspiration, self-determination and prosperity to the South Highlanders. Ruthlessly putting down Stymphalos, Pelops was ready in great force by reinforcements from Anatolia – as abetted navally by both Cretans at provision of troop and horse transports, and by Levantines at logistical resupply into the originally invaded landfall of Elaea.

A Greatest Stroke of Blind Bad Luck…….

His way clear to advance upon Argolis by the best avenue of approach, via a lake district that the Greeks would later call Stymphalia. We are unsure if he made Labdakos a war ally or not, but we know they somehow became conjoined after the death of Stymphalos. There occurred instead, however, a series of events that collectively dashed all prior strategy of Pelops to conquer Argolis from the west. Simultaneously, Labdakos was finally freed from his homeland Kadmeis’ shackles on him by the Regent Lykos, such as to allow him alliance with Pelops if wished to.

The first event in the series was a stroke of great misfortune. Maeonia, the High Kingdom of Pelops’ father Tantalos, was effectively overthrown for his incapacity, or unwillingness, to eradicate piracy and depredation of the Argives upon Anatolia where the near mainland Island of Chios and the mainland great valley which the Maeonians called the Seha River Land (the Greek Kaÿster River Valley, Kah-YEESS-tehr). Pelops’ son, by a teenage years consortship that had ended with his invasion of Elaea, was forced into flight and banishment from Maeonia, to join his father in the west. Pelops was forever cut off from any return to his birthplace, which soon underwent an evacuation of all its armed might at exodus from Anatolia to join the Conqueror’s ranks. Whatever his regrets over his father Tantalos’ demise, he reckoned his ill-Fates as the will of his Anatolian deities to steer them to worst outcomes. Nonetheless, he was delighted to have his son Chrysippos, still a boy, and a most promising strong arm of might once he achieved his late teenage years. For Broteas told his brother Pelops so, and the brothers were men of consummate great foresight.

[While this, so far, is indeed speculation, even mythography, there’s no reason to doubt the original invasion of Pelops and Pleisthenes at a determined war of revenge, such as the Cretans and Levantines were also glad to enjoin themselves to for their own redress of Argive pillage throughout the Greek Archipelago. Argive depredation was constant, ruthless and defiant; it couldn’t be reasoned with. A sustained coalition was also possible to sustain Pelops and his closest relatives, including his own defeated brother from the Anatol, Broteas, who brought his fleeing son and the High Prince Apparent Chrysippos over to the Greek Southland after Tantalos died of most humiliating defeat.

Most certainly plausible, besides, was Pelops easy absorption of this Anatolian force of refugees given the loyalty of his Cretan and Levantine partners at all necessary naval logistics. I also add that the alternative speculations to the Bardot Group are ridiculous, even preposterous, that Pelops invaded the Southland via an overland approach, constantly reinforced from arrears, down the west rim of the Aegean Sea and across the Isthmus of Ephyrëa.]

Again, we emphasize, there’s no provable connection of Labdakos to Pelops by 1395 BC. They could have been allies, but just as likely they were arms-length form each other. Labdakos fought for Kadmeis to realize its greatest extent, including the Lake Midlands of both Orchomenos and Gla. As he fought onward, his early teenaged son Laios joined him to learn Warcraft as a young Martial at Foot, Heavy and Light by armored champions-at-arms and skirmishers, respectively.

…… Followed by Freak Good Luck

Pelops absorbed all the refuge manpower from the Anatol fairly readily, and certainly it proved sufficient force that was motivated to take on the Argives. In 1394 BC, however, his bright Fates gave him a major boon, a calamitous destruction visited upon the Argives of bellicose imperial ambitions.

Other Bardot Blogs have described their ruin by a stupendous feat of naval invasion by Pterelaus, another man alike Pelops and Pleisthenes who must squash the Argives for all the ruin and rapine that they visited upon the Ionian Sea of the Taphians and the Teleboeans. He literally “stole that march” from Pelops. Occurring as early as any ships might dare springtime seas and intemperate weather from the western deep sea, Pterelaus used dugout longboat hulls to run through the Strait of the Messenes, use favorable west winds to cross outside the Gulfs of Andania and Lakonia and pass along the lee shoreline of the Argolic Gulf. His bearing was straight north upon the small Bay of Argos for landfall there where the Inachus River once debouched. In the course of an early morning, Pterelaus swept relentless across the Argive Plain, knowing exactly whom he must assail. That was the manor plantation estates of the then Great Wanax over the Argives, Elektryon, whose imperial powers derived from the merger of two branch royal Houses of the Persëid Dynasty, Houses Elektryon and Mestör.


1394 was a date demarcating a fourth generation removed from a visit of a forbear of Pterelaus. He’d come down to Argolis to court the Great Princess Hippothoë, promptly fell in love with her, but then had failed to contest at trials and ordeals to win her in marriage. Failing as victor through a courtship tradition of trials, he became victor by causing tribulation instead. He stole away Hippothoë, along with his dowry to her  undamaged. He kept her person unsullied, and duly settled her as the queen matriarch over his people of Taphia Isle. She must have fallen in love with him before her abduction, even if the Argives vowed themselves to revenge of her rape by all-out pillage of the far west Echinades Isles upon the Ionian Sea. The Taphian sea chieftain’s great grandson was Pterelaus I the Great, and by his legacy from Hippothoë he was a civilized man and a defender of both the Taphians and the Teleboeans, the stock of islanders and nearby mainlanders who composed the forbears of their fusion together as the Cephallenes.

Pterelaus destroyed Elektryon’s many sons, including “sons” ranked militantly with them, the champions-at-arms at relentless depredation both eastward and westward directed, by campaigns of invasion during the fair voyaging season over the Ionian and Aegean Seas. Both under the supposed hegemony of the Cretans, they in fact were no longer so, because Crete had been invaded circa 1450 BC by the Argives and their Carian henchmen off southern Anatolia. The Invaders had stayed after sending home considerable loot. They settled themselves among the Cretan women of great hereditary wealth and estate, managing by 1400 BC to destroy the New Palace Era everywhere of imperial Minoa. They quashed any resurgence of Minoan sea power that was newly underway since the great losses of navy due to tsunami caused by the stupendous eruption of the volcano Thera at the end of the Sixteenth century BC. Pterelaus’ served comeuppance, therefore, proved timely to affect two consequences. Firstly, Pelops no longer needed Crete for his resupply and transported reinforcements from Anatolia. Secondly, the destruction of the Elektryonids was so thorough that Pterelaus engendered a peace upon the seas at large that would endure through the 1370s. As importantly, those newly tamed seas repulsed all Cretan and piratical despoliation within his own seas, even at forfeit as well of the maritime commerce once prevailing. That, though, wasn’t much of anything anyway after the Argive conquests of Crete Island had rendered moot the Great House of Minos.

Pelops and Labdakos Reconsider their Ambitions Apart Each Other

The two mainland warlords, the Conqueror and the Would-Be Conqueror, were passive to Pterelaus’ enormous efficacy. They were happy enough to have their respective sons conjoined to them—Chrysippos had joined Pelops just after 1402 BC, Laios conjoined to his father since 1405 BC. Upon introduction of the two fathers, Laios the older of the two princes saw Chrysippos, fell in love with him and made him his campaign catamite.

Both their fathers were rendered startled and fully awake by Early Greek Mythology’s first instance of overt homosexuality by partners of high royal status. They were promptly sundered from each other. Laios went home to the custody of his great uncle Lykos, who soon sought to straighten him out by offering him to comely priestesses in order who wanted their aspirations of maternity fulfilled. The prince managed well enough to sire a son off of one of them. That mother gave the baby to the barren marriage of Periboea of Sikyon to Polybus, the appointed governor and/o viceroy over that feudatory realm of Argolis. That son sundered from his father and true Kadmeian roots would prove to be Oedipüs, born in 1398 BC. That very fact of his birth shall bring us through this enormous loop of digressive prehistory that shall eventually bring out the Kreon of Kadmeis to confront our subject great heroine Medeia.

Until that time in the late 1380s BC, Chrysippos had gone home only to have to come back to his father. He found his grandfather Tantalos destroyed by a policing action against him, by an appointed warlord of the Great King of the Hatti – just which one we dare not hazard – who was Ilus son-of-Trös. As averred before, Tanatalos had failed to remove the haunts of piracy upon the low country through which flowed the River Kaÿster of the Hatti Seha River Land.

Once back upon the Westland with his father, the two princes found their way back to each other. Oddly, their roles reversed; Laios became the catamite and Chrysippos the active partner at buggering him. They also were son intriguing with each other for their own self-aggrandizement, ostensibly in their father’s behalf as mutually self-interested. For they actively sought to split the Isthmus of Ephyrëa into two divisions. The Upper Isthmus would become annexed to Kadmeis over the objections of the Atticans. The Lower Isthmus Argolis would absorb into its imperium.

Oedipüs and Iokastë

The decade of the 1380s BC would prove pregnant of many illustrious developments that were surprisingly disconnected from each other, or mostly so. I tabulate them…..

1……   Pelops relented his ambitions of conquest to befriend the alpine South Highlanders. He conjoined their tribal lands and primary Brotherhoods in amity, causing them to prosper as their foremost client at the export of the vast wheatland that overlapped the Brotherhoods of Aigialaia, Arkadia and Mantinia. He’d relented all violence by 1390 BC.

2…… Labdakos finally acceded to High King of Kadmeis and began war campaigns to bring the Lake Midlands of future Boeotia under his majesty. He then tried to compel Attica to become his feudatory, but he then was threatened by invading Minyans who took Orchomenos of the Lake Midlands from him. He was only able to consolidate his conquest of the Lands of Aegina, or Low Midlands at above the Eleutherais Woodlands. That great forest buffer territory between Kadmeis and Attica was compromised by Labdakos’ taking of the Lapith Meadowlands, the high and low country under pasturage of the nomadic Lapith people themselves.

3…..    The waves of Invasion of the Minyans displaced many indigenous people, e.g., the Didimoi from the North Plains [future Thessaly], Aeolidans, Aeoleian and Lokrians. They soon were at the brink to absorb the Low Midlands through their campaigns against Labdakos.

4…… After one of their arranged trysts together, Laios was killed while returning over the pass between Argolis and the Isthmus. He was accosted by the prince of Sikyon who challenged Laios and his armed entourage. Laios recognized him as his own son, because his child by a priestess who’d been briefly his mistress had born a baby with a maimed foot. It had left that boy with a halting gait, but otherwise was of no handicap to the boy now grown up and nearing full manhood. Laios attacked the boy, who was Oedipüs, who promptly unhorsed him and clouted him to death. Nobody from the entourage survived except for one coward. That fellow returned to Kadmeis and never would admit until many years afterwards that he’d deemed the unknown Sikyonian insurmountable at duel by combat.

5….. Somewhere in the middle of the 1380s, the adopted son Aegeus and the three sons by Pandion and Pylia removed from rule over Attica the so-called Metionids – the sons and nephews of a usurping uncle Metion – who had deposed Pandion as High Chief of Attica. The removal of the Metionids is called in prehistory the Second Restoration of the Kekropids, since Pandion was an only son of High Chief Kekrops the brother of Metion.

6…… From 1383 BC until 1378, campaigns of reconquest were begun by the fifteen years old Aiakos son-of-Aegina. His mother was a refugee to the Island Oinopë that would be renamed for her. Aiakos’ first mobilization and reconquest obtained his mother’s Lands of Aegina, the Asopos River Valley of the north mainland, and Salamis Island upon the Saronic Gulf. The second campaign year had him retaking the Lake and Upper Midlands as far as the low country mainland that wraps up and around the inland waterway passage that flows past Abantis Island [future Euboea] and into the Aegean Sea. The third campaign reconquered all of Aeoleis and most of Magnesia upon the southern extent of the North Plains of the former Didimoi. The fourth campaign lasted barely to mid-summer when the Minyans and their allied promptly capitulated to Aiakos and his formidable generals called the Strategoi [which means ‘commanders-in-chief’]. Consolidating his martial occupations, Aiakos the following, or fifth year at reconquest, reapportioned to their hereditary matriarchs all the legacy landedness that they had been deprived of. Minyans who had debased those women through compelled marriages were divorced from them. The foremost of them, however, proved agreeable to remarriages to four of the Strategoi and all the other great and powerful martials-at-arms who had regained their lost territories. So, then, for how the five war years at reconquest had been spent, and whereby what was resolved upon the new Great Kingdom of Aeoleis & Minya, a quasi-imperium composed from two High Kingdoms of the Aeolians and Minyans.

7…..    After Laios had died of a perfect murder perpetrated upon his person, his widow, the child bride Iokastë, was put up for remarriage under the supervision of two greatest sacral majesties of the High Kingdom of Kadmeis. One was the Sphinx, a high priestess in representation of the pagan religion of the Levant, a belief system syncretic the new imperial deities Isis and Osiris of Egypt. The Levant changed the names to Astartë and Bäal [Belos in Greek but also Bäal Moloch as finally invoked]. The other supervisory sacral majesty was the brother of Iokastë, the Kreon over the high city Kadmeia, in representation of the aboriginal religion of the five pastoral royal clans settled west Kadmeis, the Spartoi. The Sphinx and the Kreon offered the queen Iokastë to eligible suitors, whom they supposed close relatives to Laios, as attested by honorable parents who could claim that their daughters in holy orders had been brought to child by the late High Prince. They were several by the brief time before Laios had become High King, upon Labdakos’ sudden death in 1395 BC at fighting the Minyans. By this means Polybos and Periboea of Sikyon offered Oedipüs up Kadmeian referees as right royal and eligible to suit for the quen’s remarriage to themselves For he was not a bastard ever deemed, because his parents were wed and sworn under sacrament for a connubial consortship, as between a holy priestess and a high king at hierogamy (sacred marriage). For such was the culture and approved custom of these times that maidens in holy orders could satisfy their wants of a man to actualize their maternal aspirations.

The Sphinx, now daily dressed in sumptuous robes of an Aegypto-oriental opulence would privately entertain each approved suitor, who proved to belong to a large congregation of them, excepting only Oedipüs, whose maimed foot disqualified him in the judgement of the Kreon. Because the congregation of suitors had been rendered so large by the Kreon, the Sphinx countermanded him with an imposition upon each suitor. This then originated the famous Riddle of the Sphinx, which went…..

What life stands its morn four-leg’d,
On two by forenoon,
Yet on three legs strides evenings,
By mind’s wily boon?

For failure to answer the riddle the Sphinx would dispatch that suitor to death by ritual blood sacrifice to the Goddess Hekatë, whom she would have blamed for condoning such an atrocity.

The suitors contemplated the riddle and drew lots over who would solve the riddle. They all agreed the Life had to be that of a bear, a wily and wise beast of great nature. He’s a four-legged animals but easy to mastery of two-legged stride, even if haltingly. Moreover, all knew the bear as facile at three legged stance along rivers where fish run in abundance. A bear has no trouble snatching fish up by his claws at the snatch beneath water.

It took several suitors who failed their returns from the private entertainment of the Sphinx to make the rest of their congregation shudder in dread and remove themselves from any further contestation to earn Iokastë in marriage. Awhile this culmination into genuine terror by the Sphinx, Oedipüs, so goes the myth, had fallen in love with the young woman, the hallowed queen, whom he soon had learned was wed perforce to his murdered father. For she could marry no man else than a Spartoi of royal descent since Kadmos constituted patriarchy. Furthermore, he’d learned, a prophecy had declared that a son of the royal marriage would kill him. Because the only marriage that counted of any importance to him was his to Iokastë, Laios had wickedly put her into seraglio, at total isolation away from him, so that they would not ever have “relations.” When he’d died without any child by her, her own brother the Kreon had kept her isolated and deprived. Meanwhile he publically made himself a tyrant hierophant over the Kadmeians, a regnant status reserved to himself until the resolved remarriage of his sister. Oedipüs stood by at witness of all this horrific royal and fraternal conduct, even while regularly being brought to swoon whenever he had least chance or company of the lonely queen widow.

Finally, when all suitors refused to pursue Iokastë as her consorts aspirant, Oedipüs was able to impose himself upon both the Sphinx and the Kreon. He had Polybos and Periboea to attest that he was a child of a Kadmeian Prince, and therefore had the blood of his Spartoi forefathers. He proved himself an honorable prince, even if adopted, of that royal couple. Furthermore, he had earned the right to petition the Oracle of Parnassos to learn his future. The Sibyl had rendered the prophecy of his happy marriage, but she’d also forewarned him to quit his parents because ill-Fates would have him the killer, perhaps wholly accidentally, of his father. Polybos being a father in all truth of his affection and conduct towards himself, Oedipüs had refused to return to Sikyon and would remain obdurate against any reunion with his adopted parents. But their last words to him was to seek his fortune in Kadmeis, because they were a people worthy of him if he only was able to reveal his many prowesses od a natural royal majesty about his person.

Fortified by those convictions, he was allowed the inner sanctum of the Sphinx. There she poised her riddle with a grim satisfaction already felt. that she had another victim of her guile. Oedipüs, of course, had no problem answering the riddle, because he had no thought to confuse himself about the notional answer about a furry bear. He went instead directly to the core allegory of the riddle.

Man! Man was the Life. Man the beast who crawls four-legged as an infant, assumes his true nature by walking through life two-legged, only to finally resort to a stave or crook for a third leg to support the strength of the two he’d been given. So easy! So obvious!

The Kadmeians were instantly visited with the spectacle of the crazed Sphinx rushing our of her inner sanctum, then running at full speed to hurl herself off a parapet to her death. Oedipus was instantly declared the only proper consort aspirant who could or should earn Iokastë in marriage. The Kreon, left alone to his sole sacral majesty, tried to suppress the acclaim of Oedipüs for his too obvious proofs of merit. Perhaps he even tried to usurp the ascension of Oedipüs to become High King Consort to the Queen Holy Matriarch Iokastë. He had the might of the five patron clans of the Spartoi behind him. The Kreon might also have thought that two separate co-regencies, which had preceded the elevation of Labdakos, a patriarchal High King of extreme male chauvinism, had for all the years of his princedom and kingdom proven the popularity of patriarchal supreme governance.

A decisive man of action, Oedipüs had waited his chances long enough. He would have his bride, and he sensed she wanted to have him. Given plenty of time to take the measure of the Kreon, now to become his brother in law, Oedipüs decided him a bully and a coward when confronted with the proper majesty to which the Kadmeians were attuned. That was a co-regency of husband and wife, both as drawn from legacy royalty established by the founding Kadmos and his native and aboriginal wife Harmonia. Oedipüs and Iokastë would prove salutary of their good Fates, as spliced together in restoration of traditional mating between a man right royal of Spartoi pedigree to the matrilineal heiress by the primordial royal dynasty of the Matriarchal Aionians.

While the Kreon was not reduced from his prerogatives of high religion by his Pelasgian forbears, his sovereignty was shrunk into figurehead capacities of no genuine assertion of power that Oedipüs could not easily countermand. The Kreon tried. He already had mobilized force to take Orchomenos of the Lake Midlands back from the Minyans. He took opportunity of that enemy’s capitulation to Aiakos to wage irrevocable war over the territorial possession. A few years old before Oedipüs superseded the Kreon, that war was proving too costly even if completely worth the ultimate regain of the Lake Midlands.

Again, Oedipüs went directly to the impasse caused by the several years of waged war and the prospect of many more years of hostilities. He entered into diplomacy with the recently acceded Great King Aiakos. Thereby the two recently instated kings came to an agreement that Orchomenos, alike her neighbor the greater kingdom of Magnesia, did not belong to either of them under patriarchal sovereignty. The best regime reserved for both kingdoms was matriarchal, and had been so since primordial times. Best that Aiakos’ High Kingdom of Minya and Kadmeis conjoin as protectors of the matriarchs who would prove the most ostensible rulers over Orchomenos and Magnesia. That would instate them as well as buffer territories over which neither High Kingdom could commit trespass. To assure that particular verity, Kadmeis would accept a Regent Custodian over Orchomenos. Aiakos was allowed to pick the first regnant regent after the two previous kings whom the Kreon had destroyed. The choice proved Erginos, the son of the first slain king, Klymenos. {Both names are metaphorical, meaning “Worker” and “Illustrious Man,” respectively.]

The Kreon, having given himself supreme war powers, would not retire his war or his territorial gains, the western pastoral domains of Orchomenos. Erginos proved a man of action after Oedipüs’ own heart and mind. He mustered force to bring the warfare into the Spartoi’s legacy strongholds in the west of Kadmeis, where a feudatory called Lebadeia (or Plains Phokis). He succeeded at overrunning any resistance, sued for terms of peace, compelling the Kreon to render tribute reparations for ten years (or over a Great Year just less, at 100 solar calendar months) Oedipüs finally empowered to disgrace his brother-in-law, he let his wife Iokastë adjudicate the penance for the tribute liability incurred. She relieved him of all his estates and emoluments by his former stature of sacral majesty. He was banished from the high city Kadmeia to live with his daughter Glaukë. She had recently come into a vast landed inheritance from her late Aionian Mother. She gladly offered her father the comforts of her governance, which composed of several manorial plantation demesnes set south of the Kadmeia by mountainous hummocks that rolled their summits down to waterside upon the Great Gulf and forested borderland upon the Upper Isthmus of Ephyrëa.

The Importance of Glaukë to the Kreon

The Kreon, once become unhappily situated with is daughter, grew to intense hatred of Oedipüs, awhile the complete success of the co-regency of him and his sister became clear. Erginos suspended the tribute taking by reparations owed to him and Orchomenos. The new High King Consort soon proved imitative of good practices by his neighbors, picking up from the example of Nisos Regent of Alkathöos and his nephew, Cephalos the Ward of Eleusis at the creation of caravan circuits along the length of the Asopos River Valley. The young sovereign Nisos took off the zeal of his lad first cousin Cephalos for the new and prolonged peace that Deion, his father, had created as the Chief of Wardens over the borderland Eleutherais Woodlands. That peace even gave that forested wilderness its new and final name by the Greeks, because Eleutherais is feminine gender for “Free” or “Liberated.” Oedipus allowed Cephalos’ circuits to conjoin his own by wagon portage traces and caravan trails reticulating through the Low Midlands of the Asopos River Valley. Oedipus also took opportunity to reestablish Kadmeis footholds and access to sea by the low country that verges upon the Strait of Abantis. He did so by another agreement with Aiakos, whereby the reconquering Lokrians who had seized the west shoreline of the Strait were left to their best means of consolidating their hold upon the former Lapith Lands that reached as far north as the Strymon River’s debouch. Kadmeis’ foothold was also by perpetuation of Labdakos established southern border to New Lokris, by low country just across from a major trade colony of the Levantines, established during the generation after Kadmos and Harmonia had made that oriental race welcome to the Great Land.

We shall describe more particularly these excellent gains by Oedipüs in behalf of his beloved Iokastë. In the meanwhile of seven years to those attainments, moreover, Queen Iokastë proved herself newly or first ever impassioned “for her man.” She also made up her lost time by her biological clock at the reckoning of her nubility and fecundity. Within that span of time, Oedipüs and Iokastë conceived four children—Eteokles, Polyneikes, Antigonë and Ismenë. Twenty-three years would pass until we’ll know them again by the ill-Fates that they brought upon themselves.

A Promise

Our next Bardot Blog conveys to our ever patient readers and fans the fatal thrust of the Kreon’s banishment to his daughter’s landed inheritances. There he fomented every kind of realistic redress of his humiliation that he could bring to bear upon his brother-in-law Oedipüs. Our long way around to this point, therefore, of a fatal confrontation between the Kreon and Medeia, promises by them actions of hideous resolve. We promise a reprise of her inimitable manner of settling potentially violent impasses. We promise a brief end of her lifetime spent past and still passing years upon the Isthmus of Ephyrëa.

 for the Bardot Group


Bardot Blogs about the prehistory of Kadmeis and/or Thebes take the following posting numbers: 125-129, 131-139

182nd Bardot Blog: The Real Biography of Medeia in Re Her Marriage Years upon the Isthmus

While Jason’s Woman
of Convenience & Salvation

While entangling Medeia from the main thrust Classical Greek Mythology that emphasizes the sham heroics of her lover and husband Jason, we have also had to set her birthplace right, and her homeland as well, because they depart from what all of them were in accordance with Early Greek Mythology. Even more importantly, Jason’s origins and his wanderings and adventures away from them always have Medeia the leading protagonist behind whatever he’s doing or about.

Medeia’s landed matrimonial legacies by her
mother Idyia located in the lower corner of this
satellite mapping, where the pinch of the Isthmus. 

We’ve been down this path before and now have to travel it again. We’re where in the historicity of myth that has Medeia born to the Eridanos River Estuary in the far north of the Italian Peninsula. Her father had sired her there off a mother of great family and birthrights by the Isthmus of the Greek Peninsula, at its south shoreline where steep slopes climbing upward from the Great Gulf that cleaves the most part of Greece’s mainland divisions. The mother, Idyia, had fallen in love with a brilliant prospector, Aiëtes, and pursued him awhile his explorations and found opportunities to engender into great wealth by enterprise. Idyia sought no other place in life than to live with and love him until death must sunder her apart from him. Which, it seems, happened too early, but not after fifteen years of her inculcating into her oldest daughter Medeia that she was a very special and deserving  girl who would or even should repair herself back to the Isthmus—there  to take up her ancestral birthrights of most considerable landedness. These then are the life premises of Medeia after her mother died, and why her motivation to return and seek what her heritage could provide her, supposing she could prove herself a gifted person. That she sought through her mother’s devotions, which she made her own, by the obscure veneration and worship of Hekatë.

Medeia also had two aunts, the sisters of her husband, who might not have been ethnic native Greeks, but were women of other great empowerment to hold highest and best stature out of predecessor pre-Hellenes who were Sun God Helios Hyperion’s worshipers. Cirkë [Image at Right] seems to have had an important part in Medeia’ childhood and would also prove tutelary over her teenage years. The other aunt,  the great beauty and most alluring but kinky Pasiphaia (by her name’s oldest orthography, but otherwise Pasiphae) may have become to such a high bride price by the generosity of her brother Aiëtes that she became the exalted and hallowed wife of the last Great Minos over Crete and Imperial Minoa (the so-called King Minos II son-of-Lykastos). But all said about the aunts remains speculative cogitation, even if Cirkë taught and invested niece Medeia with arts of sorcery and pharmacology. Both of them were pretty much the same great crafts, except that sorcery was attended by prayer to Hekatë and incantations whispered by steam into the brews and stews that were steeped with all sorts of botany cooked in pots or upon broils. By Cirkë, therefore, Medeia became mostly about unguents, potions/potients, pastes/plasters/poultices and imbibed drugs that affected great potency upon whomever they were applied.

With respect to Pasiphaia, we can only say for a very lovely woman whom Medeia grew up to match in most respects, including great beauty that was regarded horrific, threatening and too often killing (i.e., “Oh, Medeia! You’re killing me). Aunt and niece never got close to each other, but they were completely aware of each other’s progress through life as they aged both well and sometimes maliciously from positions of great command over lesser humanity.

We jump back to Jason and Medeia as Wed 

Utterly remorseless about the pot boil that she’s caused Pelias of Iolkos to bask in by way of rejuvenating himself to a surest death, Medeia was immensely glad to get away clean from a perfect murder. It was blamed upon the victim’s daughters, who had treated their father at Medeia behest as any old guest subject to their hospitality to give bath. Before a scrumptious dinner could be served afterwards, in celebration of the promised feat of youthfulness, our shrewd and sly sorceress had easy avenue to run away scot free.

As usual, however, Jason stumbled his way into her best laid plans to escape and return to her birthrights upon the Isthmus. Horrified, even as he could claim himself Pelias only just successor, he stood fast in remorse and abdicated those claim rights away on thought that they would earn him mercy as Medeia’s accomplice at regicide. No chance that, though, as Jason’s next thoughts must have been. Medeia reminded him that they’d wasted enough time at Iolkos if his only aspiration had turned from a wish to become its king had turned into a wish  to be better off by depending upon his wife, as he always had as her lover all the long way down from her father’s lands to her mother’s homeland. Jason could do nothing but imperil himself at his adventures, from which he emerged intact solely on account of her survival skills to have both of them spared.

The Bardot Group departs most mythologists in its belief that Jason and Medeia were never captives of Pelias in Iolkos. They began their marriage after the aborted usurpation of the uncle and king. We have few doubts that she was impassioned of him, because that was the quality of Jason, his great appeal to women as a true prince of the real quality. Still he had forfeited away a chance to be a king over a realm of considerable promise. That chance he could not ever again recover from the Isthmus. For we are also of the absolute conviction that the Isthmus was only the land bridge of crossing by two mainland divisions of the Greek Peninsula. Its whole region was called Ephyrëa (our chosen orthography for that toponym of several alternative spellings). The region moreover was a theocratic matriarchate composed from a high sisterhood which dominated an eminence called the AcroKorinth in the south and all of future Megaris in the north. Men such as Jason could only earn appointed high office, the highest of which was Phylax or Keeper, either of those titles meaning Home(land) Protector.

We do not know who was the Phylax before Jason and Medeia returned to  her mother Idyia’s ’s matrimonial landedness just below the AcroKorinth. Amidst the secular rural governesses of the Lower Isthmus, the future Corinth, there might not have been a champion-at-arms to protect them or keep them safe and secure. Upon the Upper Peninsula there was the brilliant Pandion, the former and deposed High Chief of Attica. He was the husband of the governess over Alkathöos, Pylia, whose father may have been the appointed Phylax until he was banished away to the coastal kingdoms that composed the Lands of the Messenes, eventually Messenia at southwest of the Peloponnesus. We can easily rationalize why Pandion was a most befitting Phylax, but if not of that appointment, he was a man of greatest influence inside and outside of the Isthmus and its two footholds upon both mainland divisions separated by its land bridge.

Medeia had few, if any, problems taking up her landed inheritances by her mother Idyia. Whatever the violence she’s incurred while escaping away from her father Aiëtes, they could not taint her right of governance and rehabilitation of rich woodland well exploited, considerable tilth for crop cultivation, extensive low country for pasturage of livestock, and finally, extensive ports and landfalls to serve the maritime western trades upon the Great Gulf. Medeia made a sufficient good start while also turning Jason into her land steward. Futile as a landsman, Jason proved mostly good for siring children, of whom two or four are cited by most mythography that still survives about the marriage. In all other seasons than the fair growing climes for land cultivation, Medeia proved assiduous at her devotions to Hekatë. She had semi-tropical nigh to rain forest upon the loamy slopes of Ephyrea, where to find or propagate the exotic crafts of botany. Upon her found or developed specimens she depended, for both her sorcery and pharmacology. Providence was kind to her, and seemingly tutelary as well. It didn’t take many years by the marriage term of a great year, of 100 solar months so defined, to climb the hierarchy of secular and sacral high governance over Ephyrëa. She eventually became, and had attained by the late 1380s BC, the role of supreme sister over the AcroKorinth. Upon that eminence sprawled many small resident colleges of high sisters and ennobled postulants. They were greatly coveted by pilgrims to their famous shrines, wherein the pilgrims got to cover lustily the comely sisters of holy orders. Many a young man was initiated to the good sport of love making upon the AcroKorinth, Not that Medeia was in any role of Grand Madam.

By that decade, too, her past upon the Eridanos River Estuary and Valley caught up to her, even if  most propitiously. He father had died a tycoon, also an acclaimed explorer who had cleared a vast valley territory and established a great agronomy upon it. Her younger sister Chalkiopë was alive and reigning there, and in her prime years. She was happily married to an excellent man, another foreigner much better than Jason at enterprise, energy, application and potency—Phrixos. By him she had born five sons, and they became known to Medeia and the Isthmus as the Brothers Phrixid, or, because of her kinship to them, the Phrixid Nephews. They became reconciled to Medeia  in any case, because she afforded them the landfalls and ports by which they could grow a maritime commerce of far outreach westward. It looped by several circuit itineraries of great lengths, the first of which went west bound from the Isthmian shoreline to the end of the Great Gulf; the second from the Maw, or outlet, of the Great Gulf to Scheria Island; and the last by two circuits from there at across to the Silent Land (Italy), both by way of safely unknown itineraries that went as far as the Eridanos River Estuary. The Phrixid Nephews were men for such large seascapes and the very large and extended enterprises. We also theorize their far upstream endeavors into earliest known Umbria. Visiting the Isthmus by rotation of their long cruises, they found in their aunt Medeia the youth and aspirations to match their own. She abetted their many divisions of enterprise and for them established small sized industries by craftworks and  manufactories of raw materials. By the imported resources of the Phrixids she enabled luxury re-exports, in particular the apparel finery steeped in lovely dyes of her concoction.

One major import from the Phrixid Nephews to her low country demesnes  was a special prize breed of sheep. For the legendary Golden Fleece has never been anything more than allegorical of a ram sire that Aiëtes discovered within the reach of the River Eridanos. Not that we dispute the belief that there was a divine ram of gilt metallic fleece, or even that Aiëtes might have found a large herd of ewes as well. By allegorical, therefore, we mean  to emphasize, we stress the economic premise and worth of those most desirable sheep. First, most aboriginal breeds of sheep did not bear thick coats of woolly fleece for annual shearing, washing, fulling and spooling off the distaff into woolen twine. Sheep wore a lot of kemp, which means a coat of long silky fur from the neck to the hindquarters of the animal. In winter the sheep regenerated an undercoat of fleece, but the yield thereof were sparse by means of combing it out. The Golden Fleece, by contrast was massively woolly and curly. Thickets and ruggedly hirsute terrain tugged and tore away that fleece over the long grazing season of the sheep.

The Phrixids developed the breed to a bright saffron color by its abundant fleece, or for shearling hides off flayed lambs. The coats retained a very gilt and bright appearance. Otherwise, rams and ewes yielded thick shearing piles of a muddy brown wool, which only upon cleaning through expertise with detergents  – in part to Medeia’s considerable ken for their chemistry of concocted cleansing agents – revealed both wool and twine of a very desirable saffron. That then was the worth of the bales of wool exported out of the Eridanos River Estuary, for shipping in bulk down to the Isthmus during the onsets of every New Naval Year and every fair voyaging season that followed.

There is also sound reasoning behind our theory of the river valley’s yields of wrought iron ingot. It sourced to plentiful ferrous ore repositories located within the piedmont over which crests the Alps of overlook the Eridanos/Po River of Italy. The ore once smelted and forged to the temper of wrought iron, as smithied from molten slag, did not yield a metal sufficiently “steeled” to compete against best alloyed bronze, but what came out of the molts and molds was highly prized for the fashioning of tools and expendable arsenal such as arrow heads and spear heads. Iron was even valued highly as ornament of women.

Of course, we wish we know a lot more of what the Eridanos River might have yielded to the head of the Ionian Gulf for export outbound into its lower circuit itineraries. We can only hazard that there was much commerce that the Phrixids originated from within the estuary for outbound export.

Improvident Jason 

Medeia didn’t know Jason as a ne’er-do-well for many years, despite that he was constantly getting into troubles that soared far above his head. She alone rescued him from them, leaving nary nothing for the stalwart heroes aboard The Argo to do. After the murder of uncle-Pelias at Iolkos, he no longer could afford those heroes’ upkeep, so he dismissed them to their homelands before he could starve them or cause them to revolt against his errant leadership. So many of that crew were greatly older or greatly younger men than Jason, whereby two strong clues become apparent: (1) the Greeks were idiots about the lifetime dates of their heroic forebears; and (2) what survives from Apollonius of Rhodes shows he barely knew who they were, or living where, or when alive.

Without any new adventure before him, Jason languished in the plain luxuries served him as a consort to an Ephyrean woman of highest stature and many sacral prerogatives. Medeia delivered what he could not, but we have no doubt that she was glad of his carnal comforts of herself and for his gift of children to their marriage.

He, however, chafed, even as Medeia became exalted to offer him the prize appointment of Phylax, or entitled Keeper of Ephyrëa. She was offered the opportunity of the appointment when the brilliant Pandion of Alkathöos grew old as the widower of his greatly esteemed wife Pylia over the Upper Isthmus. There was also Skirön/Skeiron, the exceptional father of Endeis at this time of the 1380s when she was betrothed as a small girl to Aiakos son-of-Aegina, the destined Great King over two high kingdoms (Aeoleis & Minya) and kingdoms (Magnesia and the Low Midlands) of the eastern north mainland. Whether Jason was an appointee of last resort, the elevation to Phylax did no more than attract the attention of a nefarious miscreant by Ephyrëa’s near neighbor, the High Kingdom of Kadmeis [later Thebes].

This evilly intentioned man was the entitled Kreon of Kadmeis by lineage of the native Spartoi, or five patron clans of realm since the founding patriarch Kadmos (1560 to 1515 BC, est.). Classical Greek Mythology has many Kreons of the name/title encapsulated in a single man of Kadmeis irrespective his entitlement to lead the religion of Kadmeis. The title had meaning tantamount to Chancellor, or Chief Advisor, or Sacral Regent. A Kreon was solely subordinate to his liege sovereign, the matriarch and empress over the Kadmeians. In this instance of his introduction into the life of Medeia, the Kreon was the much older brother, or a young uncle, of Iokastë. We must content to believe him her brother by their father Menoikeus, a supposed grandson of high King Pentheus descended directly from Kadmos and Harmonia.

What riled the Kreon and incented his miscreancy was the established fact that marriages of the sacral matriarchs by the Aionian royal dynasty were compelled to be mating of them with the Spartoi branch royal lineages. Thereby such intermarriage, incestual or not, the wife became the euryanassa, or empress, and the husband became High King & Consort—whereas and whereby both as a pair ruled co-regently by very precise divisions of powers either royal, judicial or sacral. Just such a high royal marriage had reduced him from a sole Regent of autocratic empowerment to high priest in a figurehead capacity over the religion adapted to oriental provenance by the Levant, such as Kadmos had brought west upon settling the Ismenos Stream and north mainland Asopos River Valley.

His story goes as follow, from his finding himself distraught to his first approaches to Jason, another man who believed himself in reduced circumstances.

The Kreon son-of-Menoikeus

Born to believe in his ultimate ascendancy through youth to become a High Prince, or just as was his father Menoikeus, he came to his name/title in lieu of Prince in odd fashion and way. His great grandfather, High King Pentheus, had opposed the new religion of dissolute pagan passions by the Wine God Dionysus, just as his cult was diffusing rampantly down the north mainland and into Kadmeis. Of great appeal to women because of its means to them to dissent from the official belief system instated by Levantine Kadmos, the so-called Dionysian Mysteries were maniacal festivities whereby believers gave themselves over the carnal binges, riotous dancing and crazed frenzy. Meant to be held in strictest privacy, deep in the woods, the mysteries were very dangerous if in any way interrupted. Pentheus had ruled the religion’s practices illicit and all worshippers subject to banishment. Learning that his own mother would be disobedient to him, the High King snuck up on the festivities to assure his mother was compliant with his edicts. He was caught at such covert observation.

The festivities interrupted, the participating women, or maenads (Lat.), formed into a mob to tear him apart, feast upon his genitals and otherwise turn him into raw meat. Classical Greek Mythology asserts that he was mistaken by the crazed women as some wild beast, and embraved by the cult mysteries, the maenads were induced by the offended God to butcher it/him as a sacrificial victim for his “Feast Bacchannals.” The myth brought abruptly to an end as his limbs torn from his body, [Image Above] we know no more about Pentheus’ paternity above his descendants, or even about his son, the sire of his grandson Menoikeus. There;s only a a long period of two regencies, by which the ancestral Spartoi asserted themselves over the subdued matriarchy of the Aionian matrilineal dynasty. So there’s a leap through time to and until Labdakos’ branch royal lineage comes to prime ascension, as distinct and supreme over the royal lineage inherent those two dominating regencies. And out of that leap, as well, Menoikeus appears proves the obscure father who sired the euryanassa presumptive, Iokastë, and her no-name older brother, the future Kreon. By the leap in time, too, she became the hereditary sacral matriarch, “the soul of the imperial lineage by Harmonia” so to speak, but Iokaste’s circumstances every way otherwise are a greatly reduced majesty that threatens her person with outright debasement.


Labdakos, Regent Lykos and Laios

High Prince Labdakos was under constraint of two co-regencies for most of his youth, but he became free of the Lykos, his last imposed guardian, at last . He early proved a great warlord and bided his time until his rightful accession at leadership over mercenaries, by whom he contributed well and mightily to petty kings on both sides of the Great Gulf. While we never get to know his young wife, by whom their son Laios, his partnership in important war coalitions brought him finally to the Westlands upon the south mainland of the Greek Peninsula. The occasion was just after 1415 BC, after the recent brutal defeat of a petty king of exalted marriage to a High Princess born to imperial Argolis. Of the name Oinemaos, that king thought himself unconquerable as a champion charioteer and supreme martial-at-arms over troops of Horse. His cause of war was repulse of an invasion of Pelops High Prince of Maeonia (Anatolia), although he was ostensibly still beneath his young uncle, High Prince Pleisthenes. In 1416 BC, Labdakos was likely in his middle thirties, having been a warlord ever since 1430.

Here I pause to curtail the length of this essay of years from Labdakos in 1416 to the Kreon’s assertions within the 1380s BC. The context of the warfare abroad the Westlands was complex, entangled by intrigue, and a meeting of several future dynasts. Bardot Books has much to say about them, having finished a draft to become a published proto-history that centers upon and throughout the south mainland that would eventually be named the Peloponnesus. Suffice to say here, again by coerced hiatus, that the recent brutal put down of Oinemaos brought the Westlands to a consolidation of its conquered realms, whereby the martial prowess of Pelops in particular was about to become able to befriend and make vital inroads into the domains of the South Highlanders. They would receive his uncle Pleisthenes’ outreach by diplomacy very warmly, even to accepting treaty with him by means to have their nation race feel less isolated and much more determined of contribution to mutual commerce purposes. They were awed by the young Pelops, because he was so devastating while martially afield; but he was also on a mission foremost to avenge homeland Maeonia for the south mainland Argives’ depredations overseas. By the 1400s BC Pleisthenes had become King Polyxenos in connation of his Anatolian origins, for the title and name means idiomatically “King Many Ways Foreign” out of petty kingdoms of Anatolia in fealty to his brother, Pelops father Tantalos. Pelops had become the High Prince and Martial Governor over the consolidated Westlands. Since  the defeat inflicted upon Oinemaos’s Elaeans, and after nearly thirteen years at quelling forces that would repel him, he’d become dubbed Pelops the Conqueror, regardless that he would be, after 1394 BC, resting at arms and pursuing instead deep diplomatic endeavors with the imperial Argives.

Pelops the Charioteer, Conqueror of the Westlands from 1415 to 1400 BC,
after which he became the second King Polyxenos

So, then, we’ve brought this Bardot Blog to a halt. Labdakos shall relent any warfare with Pelops and befriended him instead. There have been already many Bardot Blogs about Kadmeis from the times of Kadmos to this point where we are now—when Pelops was a still young High Prince but also the father of a son born in his teenage years, a little boy whom he’s left behind him in Maeonia of Anatolia. Labdakos is the father of a son Laios who’s about to come into his early teenage years when we address them both in our next posting.

for the Bardot Group


Postscript: Bardot Blogs about the prehistory of Kadmeis Thebes take the following posting numbers: 125-129, 131-139


185th Bardot Blog: A Summary of Contents, Bardot Blog Postings 3 to 180

We have had three indices posted with respect to the contents of our Bardot Blogs—BB Nos 50, 78 and 106. We are timely to a fourth but would summarize our blogging to date to serve our newest readers with some incentive to look back through the Bardot Blogs for our best featured serial topics out of Early Greek Mythology.

We also take this opportunity to explain our essential purpose, the delivery of New Greek Mythology that recognizes how deliberately dishonest the prehistory of the early Greeks was by the deliberate expunction, obfuscation and out right wrong-headedness of Ancient Greeks, mostly the Athenians of their Classical Age fifth century BC. Their deliberately ahistorical Classical Greek Mythology sought to address the sacrilegious qualities that they perceived in the lore, legends and mythic sagas of Early Greek Mythology. Sourced in the Great Oral Tradition (GOT) as purely recitative, by traditional sources told by epic poets and bards called rhapsodists. Saturated with much useful historicity, the GOT, should it have been captured to writ or mythography, would mean what’s extant of the essential prehistory of the Pre-Hellenes and the corpus of religious mythography that brought their several language inflection and coherent religious conditioning to an early Greek consensus.

We range the GOT from 1640 as first tales told to 1200-1190 BC. That’s on account of the animus before 1600 BC of preHellenes to tell of their divine creations and the Idyll which spanned from 2100 BC to a new Equestrian Age by migrations of trespassers whom we equate with the Aeolians. For after 1700 BC the indigenous Cretans at indigenous settlement of the Greek Archipelago and Peninsula must accept that horse culture as overpowering of themselves and the nigh aboriginal Pelasgians, the pastoral humankind, sometimes called the Pony People on account of their diminutive size and superbly athletic comportment. The Aeolians were absorbed to determine three of five fundamental ethnicities of preHellenes. These qualify as early Greek on account of their religious consensus by 1600 BC that there had been realized five creations before mortal humankind lived and roamed the Great Land of the Earth Mother Gaia. There’s the modern recognition by us scholars of Antiquity that the date ended the Idyll or Greek form of creationism. Existence thereafter that turn of a century became harder and more challenging.

Religion took two amorphous forms of belief systems that the Bardot Group calls the Old & Ancient Beliefs. One of the last creations, the Fourth, engendered six couples, the Titan Gods and Goddess Titanesses, from whom descended immortal lineages that anthromorphized all of material nature with femininity while also imbuing them with male force and energy. The Feminine and the Masculine came to twain by catalysis of Eros or Love as pure passion. Everything animate of Earth, Sky and Sea became immortal or immortal by a first couple born from Gaia the earth Mother. They evolved Okeanos and Tethys as paramount whereby water was essential to masculine power and force and a harmony of Sky and Earth engendered all materialized life, including the emotions, which were regarded as physical.

The second evolution from the first creations was simpler, inherent from the spawn of the sic immortal couples, husbands and wives to each other. They amalgamated as the Great Mother, the Titans and Titanesses, from whom, over many centuries, would be distilled an increasingly patriarchal religious acculturation of the late and last preHellenes. All Greek, of course, should be named Hellenes, even though they are not, because named for the Latin general ethnicity—Graeci/Graekae. Hereon, in any case, we began our Bardot Blogs with the case made by Professor Drews of Vanderbilt University that the coming of the Greeks pervaded the last part of the 17th century BC, or the 1600s.

Human Creation and Humanity

Over that last part of century, the Cretans had proven their imperial dominance over the seas and defined their land based deities under the supremacy of Kronos over Earth Mother Rhea. The times were still of the Idyll, when human populations were very small, but even so under the squeeze of interlopers coming off the grassland of far off Eurasia, or Hyperborea. The first interlopers had been the Pelasgians who had brought down their own creation myth, of Eurynomë & the Egg (Omphalos), the hatching of which created the endless plain and plane of Sea and Sky, whereby their taking to themselves a sister Great Goddess, Earth or Gaia/Gë. Gaia surged up from the bottom of the Sea by powers of the Titan Sea God Pontos.

Rhea, essentially another name for Gaia, subjected herself to her husband, making him the supreme Man God. Being greatly prolific from a deity of such great force and power, their progeny together was soon perceived most capable of a usurpation. By just such a rebellion against them became Dyaos son-of-Kronos whose final Greek name is the most familiar Zeus, whose declension preserves the stem Dios.

Early Greek Mythology is a recognition of Zeus, his brothers and his sisters as the primary deities behind tales of heroes and heroines who were mortals. It’s also Zeus who’s behind the first of the greatest Mythic Sagas of the early or true Greeks who became the Argives, who became the Mycenaeans of modern scholars in explanation of a civilization inherent the birth of Perseus and his taking to wife Andromeda.

Our Table of Contents, the Bardot Blogs:

1………..The Saga of Perseus & Andromeda runs as Bardot Blogs 16-23

This mythical saga was transformed from its Late Helladic Period rendition into a fantasy that survives as Classical Greek Mythology. Our Bardot Blogs bring back the likely original content about south mainland Greece, particular to the Argives descended from Danaos and became what scholars inaptly called them, the Mycenaeans. The Argives became imperial by a hybrid dynasty over a co-regency of husband and wife, Perseus himself so conceding as one of Greece’s second ever great patriarch after the immigrant from Egypt, Danaos. By the end of the series we know the primary descendent who formed branch royal Houses capable of direct lineal successions. Those House came to five, then four lead by men, whereas there was a single daughter, Gorgophonë, who ruled over Amykai of the Pamissos and Eurotas River Valleys.

2………..The Old & Ancient Beliefs versus the New Beliefs in the Olympians:
Bardot Blogs, 24-32

The five creation myths of the preHellenes led from the Big Bang by Nyx’ and Chaos’ explosive copulation to the Pelasgian creation myth about Eurynomë and the Egg or Omphalos that she conceived parthenogenically (by virgin birth, but virgin meaning “strength progenerative.” By her the Sea and the Sky were created, and by them was created an elliptically shaped, infinite universe with an infinite plane of division between the two sisters. The infinite span, proving inherently unstable, led to the creation of a third sister, Gaia the Earth, who caused the ellipse of the universe to become a planetary globe. That third creation soon had Gaia conceiving parthenogenically her immortal titans and titanesses, some of whom were monstrous or capable of conceiving monsters. That then was the fourth creation. In the fourth generation of her and their progeny, by unions together, all mortal living things were created, including a humankind in the image and capable of reproducing the anthropomorphic shapes and genders of the Fourth Generation Titans and Titanesses. Out of the worships of mortal for immortals, a general inclination of humankind, the Olympian Gods and Goddess took their ascendancies as a common Olympian Pantheon.

3………..The Herakles/Hercules Saga from the real and mortal life of Alkeios:
Bardot Blogs 34-40, 42-46

The Alkëids, an Argive Branch Royal House by the Persëid Dynasty and equivalent to High Kings, led imperial Argolis until the loss of Hippothoë by the Mestorids ended its lineage and merged, therefore, with the Elektryonids. The Great Wanax Elektryon thereby subordinated the Alkëids and Sthenelids, rendering them High Kings by stature (or much alike a modern Grand Duke of European royalty). In the third or fourth generation of the Alkëids, an Alkaios sired Amphitryon off the lap of the High Princess Laonomë of Tiryns and the Argolid Peninsula. That son became the champion-at-arms and home lord protector of imperial Argolis for all the branch royal houses. He came to that status just after his teenage years had ended, and barely a few years later, by a reckoning to 1394 BC, Amphitryon was compelled to muster too late a repulse of a Sea Raid by the Taphians and Teleboeans off the far west Ionian Sea and Echinades Isles. Led by Pterelaus the Great, the Argive Plain was rustled of its prize cattle and brought off the Bay of Argos by captured and commandeered ships. The great triumph at revenge against the Elektryonids/Mestorids depredations of the west, and the great sea raid destroyed all but one weakling prince the many sons of Elektryon.

Amphitryon befriended Pelops and his uncle Pleisthenes, who were co-regent over the Westlands following a conquest of the Elaeans reckoned to 1415 BC. They parlayed the return of the prize cattle, whom Pterelaus had fenced over to Pelops. The great treaty bargain that Amphitryon brought back from the Westlands began a most successful and prosperous alliance of the Alkëids and Sthenelids with the ambitions of Pelops and Pleisthenes to unite the Southland of the Greek Peninsula. Elektryon proved entirely ungrateful for the return of the cattle and resented Amphitryon and his father Alkaios for vaunting their respective ways of humiliating him “while he was so declined. Elektryon assessed banishment of Alkaios for a great year, a duration of 100 solar months, which the head of House had not the health to serve through. Amphitryon served that penance instead, only to be banished by conspirators who caused the death of Elektryon, from a goring by a feral bull disguised as a tamed pure bred.

Amphitryon was sent into exile to his mother Laonomë’s homeland of the Argolid Peninsula. He was not reposed there long. However, before he took summons and invitation to become Regent Custodian over the fallen High Kingdom of Kadmeis, upon a wasting civil war that ruined the co-regent dynastic House of Oedipüs and Iokastë, a conflict that ended with the deaths of Oedipüs fractious successor, Polynikes and Eteokles. He took the thorn of Thebes and the residence of the high city Kadmeia as a reigning home lord protector over a new dynasty, the House of Thersandros, a son of Argia and the late Polynikes. Retaining the title of Regent Custodian, he was affianced to his kinswomen, the Great Princess Alkmenë, daughter of the late Great Wanax Elektryon over imperial Argolis. Through her gross infidelity to him over the period of betrothal, she became with child whose sire she made every attempt to feign as premarital trysts that had pleasured her before Amphitryon. He was not fooled, and their consummated marriage, supposedly a reward to him for avenging the slaying of her brothers, began with estrangement. It was not ever afterwards mollified by the birth of fraternal twins. The early Greeks believed that twins were half born divine, whereby the divine one of them was by divinely tryst, the other by natural copulation of a mortal sire upon the lap of the natural mother. The sons were named Alkeios and Iphikles after the Theban inflection of oldest Greek. That had a grandson of Alkaios [AL-kay-oss] pronounced as Al-KAY-oss, although it was Amphitryon’s intention to honor his father through the name of the eldest twin. Alkeios, of course, was the son by the supposed divine siring of Zeus.

This long series under examination begins in first part Bardot Blogs with the enormous successes of Alkeios once he was able to return and take up his branch royal accession by the Alkëids of imperial Argolis. He became the consort of the High Princess and Chatelaine Deipylë, the war widow of Tydeus, a late and greatest Argive champion-at-arms. Alkeios sired the high prince Diomedes off her lap, and he as a greatly loved son brought up as a child by Tydeus even though the fact of that siring was an impossible deed. While consorting with Deipylë Alkeios came into his hereditary succession to his father the Great Prince Alkaios. There then began in second part by Bardot Blogs the great contributions to imperial Argolis by way of collaboration at great feats and public works with another Great Prince by the branch royal House of Sthenelos, the successor to Pelops. He became the Great Wanax regent Eurystheus, by whom, as well, the unity of Argolis with the Argolid Peninsula which conjoined the Great Kingdom over “the Mycenaeans” with the High Kingdom of the Proïtids, the dynasty over the Argolid to whom Alkeios grandmother Laonomë was related.

The last part of the mythical saga compose from several Bardot Blogs in explication of how Alkeios became so honored throughout the Southland/Peloponnesus that he came into the honorific by the South Highlanders, Herakles, which means “Glorified by Hera,” the highland earth mother and great goddess so named. Part of this series in explication of the Legend of Herakles is the genesis of him as the superhero of the Dorian Highlanders, who accorded Alkaios dual honors of adoption by both north mainland and south mainland Highlanders as one unity of nation race in common to all highland tribal lands. Much of the evolution to superhero status and the divination of Herakles as a son of Zeus by apotheosis, we explain, developed over the centuries of the Greek Dark Age, from 1190 to 775 BC as a precise duration.

4………..Superheroes Contemporary to Alkeios/Herakles:

Bardot Blogs 47-49, 52 — Pelops & Chrysippos
51, 53-55 — Cephalos & Amphitryon
56-58 — Oedipüs & Iokastë

The 14th century BC produced many great royal Houses through outstanding sovereigns alike to Pelops, Oedipüs, Amphitryon, Cephalos, Alkeios/Herakles, and Pterelaus. Many of our readers very likely have never known any of them from the authoritative MYTH INDEX, an online source that composes so many mythic personages out of Greek Mythology—both Early and Classical, or by Greek History and Literature, including Roman Classical Mythology. So the cited Bardot Blogs address robustly as prehistorical and of genuine historicity what all readers can easily find under the website http://www.mythindex.com/greek-mythology. We use it as an easily accessible guide into the “canonized” myths by Greek History and Literature. Our Bardot Blogs, we emphasize with emphasis, features the many greatest heroines, also mythical personages, who came to their paramountcy at the end of the Fourteenth and beginning of the Thirteenth centuries BC. That means that they all preceded the Trojan War Heroes who lived until very late in that latter century, or a generation or two before the Greek Dark Age. We end this series with the Late Patriarchs and their illustrious brides, women by primordial matriarchy—Pelops/Hippodameia, Oedipüs/Iokastë, Amphitryon/Alkmenë, Cephalos/(Prokris and the Goddess Eos), Aiakos/Endeis, et al. So many of these and other exalted couples lived and ruled together as inherently co-regent sovereigns.

5……….The Polity of Crews and Commands of Great Oared Vessels:

Bardot Blogs 59-62, 65-67 Social Organization of Seafarers, and
the 2nd Era of Great Oared Vessels


Variously addressing the foremost subject hero of Bardot Books, Cephalos son-of-Hersë and Deion, the case of the Bardot Group has always been that he was the earliest and also the foremost naval genius that eliminated the imperial oppression of Crete Island under its imperial Minos and so-called Minoan Thalassocracy. Our Bardot Blogs supplement our five book about him as expositions of the naval lore  he invented into a Second Era of Great Oared Vessels, until his warships called Great Gulf Galleys and the Boeotian Great Ship that Amphitryon commissioned his to build as the class which Cephalos’ third successor navigated to Troy as twelve ships cited by Homer. Our argument in parallel to such exposition is that the Saronic Gulf, the Isthmus, Attica and the north mainland of future Boeotia, carried most of what’s dubbed the Mycenaean Age from 1425 to 1310 BC. Their coasts were well-spring of a greatest maritime commerce during the decades of the Thirteenth century when, and during which, the Argives – the true Mycenaeans – were suffering decline and dynastic dissolution.

Accordingly, all that we have to say of the cited settings, and the illustrious mythic persons that lived them, is the essential historicity of myth that the New Greek Mythology composes. It intends a very different paradigm of mythography. It is genuinely, most plausibly, Greek prehistory composed to process and genre of proto-history, or what we prefer to call our works, academic expository fiction about the last preHellenes and earliest Greeks. We do not attempt to go beyond the Bronze Age, although we easily could do so as the Greek Dark Age and Genesis of the Iron Age comes to more explicit reveal through more considerable overviews of advanced civilizations that rimmed the Aegean Sea and Eastern Mediterranean.

While we’re about such exposition, we also render precisely what can be speculated about the naval architecture of the Greeks before they carried their armada over to Troy and Anatolia to recapture from abduction Helen, the Queen Holy Matriarch over the Highlanders, the very same people who would create the genesis of superhero Herakles.

6………. Navies of the Saronic Gulf before the Birth of the Princedom of Theseus

Bardot Blogs 68-70, 72-77, 79-86, 87-91

Cephalos, a late patriarch, was only eight years younger than the Great King Aiakos, patriarch over the several high Kingdoms of the Greek north mainland (since the 1380s BC). He also was nine years older than Theseus son-of-Aegeus by Aethra daughter-of-Pittheus. All three future paragons were born to the rim powers of the Saronic Gulf, respectively, at Eleusis, Oinopë Island which became Aegina after his mother’s name, and to Tröezen upon the gulf shore of the Argolid Peninsula. The generation older to them was exciting for such progeny as Medeia, upon the Lower Isthmus, Aegeus upon Alkathöos/Megaris, and the sons-of-Pandion, the Kekropid grandsons Nisos, Pallas and Lykos.

The Saronic Gulf was especially distinctive for its broad coastal habitat of Lelegans, or Leleges, whom we approach through their antecedents who migrated off northern Eurasia, the Baltic Sea in particular, under the name Hyperborean. They were masters of carpentry and prospectors at exploitation of heritage, old growth, vast woodlands. By their exceptional artisanal skills and considerable artistic flair for shaping and joining timber, they had enormous influence upon the creative temperament of a very young Cephalos. He in turn, albeit with the great assistance of his father Deion, proved a man born nigh a royal prince and yet one of humble common touch. He nurtured the Lelegans, became a chief employer, or he else found for them lifetime sponsors and/or vocations, mostly in indirect service to royal, ennobled and worthy sponsors of enterprises to which Cephalos proved a vital intermediary over the rest of his years within the Saronic Gulf, from 1389 to 1360 BC. We think that the social order that all castes and classes – highest to lowest – amalgamated became a meritorious society built up from their cooperation and opportunities of rewarding services to each other. We also think that altogether they built a polity in example of Timocracy, one of least known but highest regarded forms of governance by Aristotle

As a matter of rural economic governance, or agronomy, many scholars have deplored timocracy as communistic as an exercise of landlord exploitation of commoner tenancies. Antecedent to democracy, however, it was polity of shared and mutual prosperity of a stint-alike, prosper alike fashion of social cooperation. Aristotle deemed constitutional monarchy superior as a form of governance, seconded by timocracy, and followed by the philosopher’s deep disdain for oligarchy and democracy, which he thought only two forms of deterrence of mob rule, through militant repression and dissolution into anarchy, respectively.

We argue that matriarchal rural governance was not communistic but it was a mutuality between governesses and their established tenancies. The rustic society contrasted, but also was supported in the fields and pastures by coastal denizens as congregations of shoreline skill meritocracies, as matter of seasonal corvée mass labor. Adding to that comity were seafarers frequently at sea duty ashore or at maritime commerce while aboard ships faring overseas. Our discussions may be idealizations, perhaps oversimplifications, but they present a united front to easily withstand overland trespassers and also to remove oppression from seaward.

We come back to Timocracy as a topic explored through Bardot Blogs 151-154.

7……….  Interglacial Period Climate Change in Explanation of Deforestation, Desiccation and Desertification of the Mediterranean Sea & Basin

Bardot Blogs 92-99, 101

We are admittedly obsessed with climate change and its destruction of our planet by our modern polemicists who would make a power trip of insisting that it’s all or mostly due with man-made causes and effects. Our series about climate change throughout deepest Antiquity has much to say of how humankind can indeed concert to end a paradise such as the Mediterranean Basin once was, and at a much vaster circumference that most have bothered to realize. Nonetheless the climate change was geophysical and only minimally anthropogenic. Beginning at protraction from below the vast desert land behind the Atlas Mountains of Africa, and then circumscribing  through Ethiopia, then as far and around the East Slopes of Mesopotamia, an ar4c of circumference arcs across the Caucasus Mountains and rounds westward upon the grassland Steppes of Eurasia. That continued circumference finally runs deep inland above the vast wilderness forestation at far above the Mediterranean Sea’s great peninsulas—the Greek, the Italian and the Iberian. They circumscribe an elliptical watershed by three continents partially contiguous to each other. At just before 2100 BC it had come to a vast paradise, a heartland Eden, the Idyll supposed of the Greek Creatrix Nyx the Void (or universe of Night).

Our Bardot Blogs describe a long interglacial period of warming that reached a summit of three centuries’ duration from 1200 to 1800 BC. So prolonged was the warmth and comforts by climate that humankind was rendered a virtually effortless subsistence. After that turn from warmth into cooling that spanned the Second millennium BC, chill over Eurasia began to displace general natural sustenance and drive migrations of cold-starved humankind down upon the Mediterranean Basin. Humankind upon high northern latitudes then had to begin the toil of agriculture, Inclusive tilth and orchard tending and the livestock husbandry that supplanted hunting and gathering despite a still great abundance of natural fauna and flora. Salubrious climate conditions continued upon the Greek Peninsula even as the continental had aborigines and settled indigenes vulnerable to war powers of intruders, especially the equestrian might that followed the tame pastoralist, the Pelasgians. But a chilling millennium brought on hardships until a nadir realized by the Greek Dark Age from 1070 to 770, where upon a new and sustained warming trend was realized fully for the Classical Age and Hellenistic Age Greeks, and the world of the Romans as well by their Italian Peninsula.

8……..             The Trojan War Era from 1268 to 1220 BC

Bardot Blogs 102-112, 114-120, 121-124

The Bardot Group is insistent that the Trojan War was a real war of prehistoric Greece and Anatolia. It was not as modern scholarship holds it, a composite fiction about a series of small conflicts that pitted north mainland Greeks against the feudatory and satellite high kingdoms of the Imperial Hatti during the 14th and 13th centuries BC. That consensus holds also for conflicts afterwards, through to and until the earliest centuries of the fully emerged Iron Age.

We depart from the Trojan War Saga that built off the masterpiece epics of Homer. We also cite as authoritative subsidiary rhapsodists, whose content has much of historicity about the Aftermath of the War, by, for example Quintus of Smyrna. Essentially, everything about Troias, Wilusas and other sovereign entities that were preeminent in northwest Anatolia as especially allegiant to the imperial Hatti of the Halys River Basin. We do acknowledge Cretan antecedents to the Trojans, and a royal dynasty of the patriarch Trös as decidedly preHellenic. But the northwest had no real conversance with the Greek Peninsula, even though both Trojan and Minyan (mistaken as Achaean) were last and important precursors to the Aeolic Greek of the North Plains (later Thessaly). All the lore about Anatolia at a larger scale of imperial influence needs to be chucked away—especially with respects to the 13th century BC prehistorical suppositions about the ten year war itself.

The Trojan War was, in fact, “mightily about Helen,” but was also about the greed and utter recklessness of the Argive Dual Dynasty. Established by Pelops in the 1360s BC, that high prince out of Anatolia became the conqueror of the Westlands, after invasion of Elaea of south mainland Greece. His confederacy of realms fused by marriage to the native dynasty of the Persëids, the Argive dynasty of five branch royal families that declined so precipitously throughout the 13th century’s middle decades. The attendant imperium, Argolis, began to dissolve during the turn of the 14th into the 13th century BC on account of the reign of Atreus from 1312 to 1280 BC. That earlier date began a civil and dynastic war between Atreus and his brother Thyestes, a so-called War of the Brothers’ Rivalry. Thyestes prevailed to almost save the dynasty and imperium until the abduction of Helen from Lakonia. That was her adopting homeland since her mother Nemesis died circa 1285 BC. Helen and her twin brother Polydeuces (Lat., Pollux) were brought up under a hallowed trust and virtual regency in which all coastal temporal powers of might were tacitly invested. The trust reposed upon the twins’ foster parents, Tyndareos and Lëda by the House of Oebalos. They acted as surrogates for Helen and Polydeuces, and for the entire nation race of Highlanders. Both were sanctified children by the Queen Holy Matriarch Nemesis, who most scholars have deemed, admittedly, a fantasy immortal demi-goddess by a lineage of ancestral titanesses called the Okeanidai (“daughters of Ocean” but matrilineal by Themis).

The early series, first part of Bardot Blogs, describes the importance of Helen by her heartland legacies of alpine Greece, meaning all mountainous wilderness of modern Central Greece and the Peloponnesus. The Highlanders themselves reflected many centuries of low country and coastal preHellenes who were displaced and compelled into refugee statuses, even as they maintained clear identities of their precursor matriarchal tribes. The twins of Nemesis were supposed the twenty-fifth generation progeny of Queen Holy Matriarchs by appointments of the matron tribal leaders. The previously entitled women were not so different from a female pope, a mate called also a potnia or queen. The Highlanders worshipped the Great Earth Mother and Creatrix as Hera, deeming her a final heiress and queen over all deities. Until the Trojan War the Highlanders barely believed in Zeus, although they did know him as the son-of-Kronos under an Indo-European derived name Dyaos (Latin Jupiter by his name’s meaning, “God Father,” from Dyaos Pitër).

The Trojan War came to ten campaigns of hostilities after the failure of an embassy sent over to Ilion, the primary kingdom of the Tröad realms under the High House of Laomedon. It offered rich ransom to the regain of Helen while her whereabouts after the abduction by Alexander of Wilusas were still unknown. Peace might have been preserved through the acceptance of the ransom offerings, but they were repudiated despite they conveyed the major threat behind the embassy, that it was also assuring of dire vengeance via an oath taking of the major powers invested in the Highlanders’ demands for their Holy Queen’s restoration. That’s also to mean the in arguable credence of a coalition entirely supreme over the armed might of Troias, should the High Kingdom choose to stand alone at defense and repulse of the Pelasgiotës, which was how the Greeks were named—despite academic allusions to them as Achaiwoi, Ahhiyawans, or just plain Achaeans as Homer named them.

The ten year of hostilities reflected the often chaotic and always inept paramountcy of Argive Agamemnon at prosecution of the annual warfare. Despite his prewar posturing, and considerable self-sacrifice in order to become the Greeks commander-in-chief, he could not deliver any strategy superior to warring for spoils, enslavements, and ethnic genocide. His brother, the most modest Menelaos, led the real and youthful coalition of great might that reposed in the suitors-at-bridal who were sworn to his protection of his wife Helen. Masterful at rearguard operations, including the administration of vast naval resupply after the invasion of the Tröad Kingdoms, he affected from the Kaikos River of Anatolia a blockade of Troias, managed the naval logistics of his considerable naval support and thereby could exercise a strategy of avoiding siege lay of City Troy itself. Until Helen and her abductor were compelled to residency of its high city, the Pergamon, Menelaos was at supreme command over all the Highlanders out of alpine Greece.  Our series ends with the dueling strategies of the Argive Order under Agamemnon versus Menelaos & the Coalition of Suitors under the Helen’s Order of Alliances.

9…….  The Ionian Greeks by Kadmeis/Thebes and Attica

Bardot Blogs 125-129, 131-139, 141-149

The Bardot Group has always taken much issue that the Ancient Athenians have been unable to explain their forbears and themselves as Ionian Greeks. In fact the only Ionian Greeks ever of historical Greece were the refugees and pervasive colonists that settled a part of the west coast of Anatolia. Composed of Messene’s, Attica’s and Thebans, their stretch of foreign occupation was called Ionia. Above them was Aeolia, by migrations early in the Greek Dark Age of north mainland Greeks displaced by the late arriving interlopers, the Achaeans. Driven out of their homelands Aeolia became a direct precursor the Northern Greece, by the tenuous holds upon Thessaly, Macedonia, Thrace, and northwest Anatolia inclusive of the Island of Lesbos. Below Ionia was Doria, a late Greek Dark Age establishment that was composed from displaced people of Lakonia, Argolis, the Argolid and the Isthmus. [Former Ephyrëa had still not yet become divided into Korinthos and Megaris).

So who, we’ve asked and answered, were the prehistorical Ionian Greeks? Why was an inflection and dialect from Oldest Greek named by the Atticans Ionic Greek?

The series begins the prehistory of Kadmeis from the time of a Levantine immigrant Kadmos and his taken native wife Harmonia of Aionia. This is a very fastidious recasting because it’s robust but also speculative. The eventual High Kingdom of Kadmeis, whose capital seat was Thebes and high city called the Kadmeia, composed from elite interlopers from the far off Levant, but not until Kadmos won over to himself the native and primordial nation race of Aionians. An admittedly obscure people, so far as the surviving literature of antiquity served them forth, there were many illustrious women who came from them. Often they were called the daughters of the prolific River Asopos. The Asopos is fed from the steady Ismenos Stream off High Plains Phokis, whose own feeders at progress eastward are long, small stream tributaries of delivery off a major wilderness watershed from above and off Mount Parnassos.

Kadmos arrived to the Asopos River Valley, a long and very fertile low country of the Aionians, by guidance of a Holy Cow. [by which our expression, even today, of “Holy Cow, I’ve found the spot! Eureka!”). We’ve been able to find where the Ismenos Stream has confluence with the Asopos River, whose own headwater and feeder was supposed from the south by the siphoning of another Asopos River from beneath the Great Gulf of Corinth. The entire Asopos Valley, however, is rather narrow even as it splays out as low country upon the Strait of Abantis/Euboea.

The first Ionians, we also believe, were actually Phocians upon the east slope of Mount Parnassos. They adopted a refugee name Ion from Attica at around 1410 BC. He was an outcast priest of very high birth and family (Xuthus and Kreousa) out of the House of Erechtheus. that ruled Attica just before the times of Kekrops and his Eleusinian wife Metiadusa. Kreousa, we add, was Kekrops’ sister.

There isn’t much to say about Ion except some made-up beliefs by much later Greeks of the 1st millennium BC. They asserted him bastard born to Kreousa by the violence of Apollo, a deity who has no credence as believed in the 14th century BC. We think the actual Ion was a young priest of genuine calling to Themis, for whom he establish a cult of priestly attendants upon her devotions. Readers familiar with the Bardot Group also know of our insistence that Themis was the mother of Athena from long before she became the daughter of Zeus by a protrusion, or fetal tumor that fell off his forehead. Before that phenomenon could have occurred, Athena was a Goddess of Wisdom and Practical geniuses, and, most importantly, she had become a matron by transfiguration as Giver of Sciences and Engineered Arts. Themis became a crone goddess within a Trinity of the Wisdom Goddesses, but most known for her mantic gifts and inspirations of the mind as the Forecounselor. Athena became a Maiden Goddess, a Parthena, supposed a virgin goddess, during the Greek Dark Age, and thereby the foremost tutelary goddess of the Archaic Age Athenians whom dominated Attica.

We also explain that the Ancient Athenians felt disgraced by the ancestry of their forbears who lived after 1286 BC, about the time when one of the Goddess’ favorites, Odysseus was born in the far west of Greece. The Atticans had been big losers in a major religious war that was waged from 1302 to 1286 BC. It was warfare that took many names—The Brothers’ Rivalry, The Isthmian War, the Long Turmoil, the War of Occupation of Thebes, the Titanomachia, or the War of the Old & Ancient Beliefs versus the New Beliefs. Actually it was the prolonged mortal warfare that was counterpart of the “War of the Immortals,” otherwise known through elementary Greek Mythology as “The Clash of the Titans & Olympians” as associated with adventures of Perseus as a young hero.

The actual war had Atreus Great Wanax of Argolis and Peleus Great King of Aeoleis & Minya invading Thebes and the Isthmus to divide the latter between them. Sisyphus bore the brunt of the invasion of the Isthmus as its Keeper or Home Lord Protector. Forthwith he proved a dauntless foe to Atreus and Peleus, but Sisyphus did not get the better of them both until ten years elapsed. By then his forces of repulse were sustained by Arceisius of the Echinades Isles, a war Wanax who had defeated the Argive and the Atticans in a major sea battle conducted in 1299 BC. The brother of Thyestes proved a man of many alliances won since his own youth and great princedom by Argolis. Arceisius and Thyestes also had for allies the Messene’s and their House of Neleus, although the first ten years of hostilities had caused a terrible attrition of royal princes and champion-at-arms. Nonetheless, the Bond of Four Wanakes prevailed over Atreus and Peleus, whose forced were sundered irrevocable from each other by a great Battle of the Four Mountains in the autumn of 1286 BC.

Over the ensuing peace the Atticans got nothing but constant humiliation. They no longer had a navy or the means to rebuild one since 1299. The Corinthians outclassed the Atticans at maritime and overland commerce despite great former legacies of both unto the Bronze Age Atticans. The Atticans were barely able to muster an expeditionary force to fight for Helen in the Trojan War. The King of Attica, Menestheus, greatly distinguished himself in the annual campaigns, but he came back from the investiture of City Troy so badly wounded that he died upon his return to home soil. For most of the Dark Greek Age, the Atticans succumbed to the Iron Age Warriors who encroached upon Athens from along the Strait and occupied Island of Abantis, forerunners to Euboea.

Our series runs through the Greek Dark Age, to 770 BC approximately, from which duration the Atticans emerged no longer Ionian Greeks in any genuine prior sense, except that is, for their nomination of their language as Ionic, and their veneration for their former home away from home, Ionia of the Anatol. We conclude that there’s very good reason that modern scholars call their Greek Attic, for there wasn’t ever any meaningful ethnicity of the Greeks worth calling Ionian.

10……..           Helen: Briefly the Queen of Wilusas

Bardot Blogs 156-167

Helen was abducted from Lakonia in 1263 BC, and she did not return there with Menelaos until 1244. Her abductor according to Classical Greek Mythology was Paris, the name that a shepherd gave Alexander, the second son of Priam and Hekabë over the Trojans. For the legend by that mythology has Hekabë just after her delivery of Alexander awakening from a nightmare’s vision, a fiery immolation flames and billowing smoke over Fortress Ilion, whereby the ruin of all the many children whom she and Priam conceived together. For their were many children to follow that second child Alexander, who was exposed to die in Dardania, where the shepherd that named him Paris saved him, a foundling, for his barren wife.

There have been centuries of Classical Studies scholarship that attests to the outright refusal to understand Anatolia and the Greek Peninsula as coincidental great civilizations at opposite sides of the Aegean Sea. Scholars have buried their heads in one side or the other, rendering a sharp dichotomy between Greek & Roman Classical Studies and Anatolian & Near East Oriental Studies. There was once a good reason to cast such a dichotomy upon the Late Aegean Bronze Age, but not after 1926. Then finds in Turkey, where Ancient Anatolia, came under analysis by A B Sayce. He concluded a missing Bronze Age civilization of greatest importance to the study of the entire Eastern Mediterranean gamut of highest civilizations. By that novel Antiquity, no longer could be denied that Anatolia was the deep interior heartland of the Biblical or Canaanite Hittites. Near East scholars agreed and most successfully and thoroughly examined that equestrian warfare triumphant culture. They next revealed it to be the imperial Hatti civilization from 1400 to 1190 BC by a single dynasty that went far back to 2000 BC. It several times conquered the Middle East as far as Mesopotamia, and the Hatti also stifled the Early Bronze Age ascendancy of Old Assyria. Although the compiled list of Hatti kings and great kings begins at 1600 BC with Labarnas or Tabarnas. Labarnas might have been a living founder’s name over a single, greatly enduring dynasty. Tlabarnas we believe to be a name/title meaning of Great King & Holy Father, such as were Great Kings of the imperial Hatti, who didn’t become truly imperial until a resurgence from a vast rebellion under the Great King Suppiluliumas I.

Tabarnas now means Great King by the apotheosis of each sovereign become deceased. We prefer to call the long list of Hatti Kings, all by the founding of Labarnas, who died and was named for his afterlife Tabarnas. All his successors of the Hatti Imperial Age were best dubbed Tlabarnases, from just after 1400 BC to 1190 BC, after which they disappeared under the ascendancy and conquests of the New Assyrians, the grand masters of the Iron Age.

After the great rebellion by transition from Great Kings Named Tudhaliyas I-IV, Anatolia imploded into the central land mass of the Halys River Basin. Scholars still insist that basin delimited the final territorial extent of the Hatti as a final indigenous nation race. The Bardot Group has agreed, but we also insist that there were many outright feudatories or vassal high kingdoms that served as a rim of satellite buffer states which paid tribute while insulating the Great Land of the Hatti. Because Anatolia also ends several very lengthy rivers by emptying them in to the Aegean Sea, an enormous overland commerce by caravans characterized by many trade depots and important intermediate emporia first established in the 3rd millennium BC by Assyrian traders.

Troias became a High Kingdom over the Tröad Kingdoms with primal capital seat at Hatti Taruwa, which we call City Troy. Its fortress lay within the foremost Tröad kingdom Ilion (Lat., Illium) at dominance of the Dardanelles or Strait of Dardanos, which the Greeks were more apt to name the Hellespont. While Homer makes the Trojans seem almost quintessentially Greeks, they were in fact what are called philHellenes, or “lovers of Greeks.” Comity between early Greeks and Trojans and/or Dardanians began with Crete, when Scamandros founded a native dynasty attributed to his grandson by Teukros a/o Teucer.  Attributed to Dardanos, he’s also still associated with Cretans at mastery of new settlements upon the Greek Peninsula. He might well have spent his youth in attempts to become pre-eminent over Arkadia, but he failed, likely on account of the asserted dominance of the Argives at just before the ascendancy of Perseus & Andromeda. While he’s particularly associated with idyllic Arkadia of the Highlanders, more likely his settlement of Greece was the wheatlands and piedmont above the Argive Plain. Howsoever he felt compelled to emigrate overseas and settle upon Anatolia instead, allow that his motives remain vague. He proved to greatly please King Teukros, who was glad to have his daughter Bataia married to him. They had two sons, of whom Wilos or Ilos died. The other son, Erichthonios named his inherited kingdom Dardania. It was by then comprehensive to Lesbos Island which forms the Adrymittion Strait that passes the mainland Anatolia  that would prove a deep interior ideal to the pasturage of horses, which livestock husbandry Erichthonios seems to have been most accomplished at ranching. His son Trös became a paragon of horse breeders and most famous for a quasi-divine stock of mares. An active commerce in his breed stock mares allowed his intimacy with the great horse breeding Hatti, but it’s also likely that Dardania had caught the approving countenance of the Hatti by his expansion of Dardania all the way to the Dardanelles, which, I add, carry their coastland up to the Sea of Marmara, earliest known as the MesaPontos. This is also to say of the brilliance altogether by Dardanos, Erichthonios and Trös to unite many petty realms by conjoining them in comity with a more important kingdom, later Ilion, where situated the long standing capital that we’ve name Troy after its native name of Taruwa.

Enough said here and now in survey of these particular Bardot Blogs. They  suffice for explanation how intercommunication of Cretans and mainland Greeks with the native petty royalty of northeast Anatolia became a hybrid culture both philhellenic and equestrian whereby also Greek and Trojan adaptation and attained excellence comparable to the rapid war strategies and campaigns of the imperial Hatti. High Prince Ilus of Troias became a warlord commensurate with the Great King Suppiluliumas, but his father already had brought a young nation race of PhilHellenes to important presence within the Great Court at Hattusas of the Hatti. That was the court that received Helen and had her legitimized as the Queen Regent over High Kingdom Wilusas. Hers was a caretaking and custodial regency shared with Alexander with purpose that they would conceive the heiress and matrilineal successor to Queen Consort Hekabe. Outstanding relations of a High Kingdom with the Great Kingdom of the Hatti had arrived to a pinnacle through the merger of Hekabe’s matriarchal dynasty (co-regent with taken consorts) and the patriarchal House of Laomedon to which her husband Priam belonged. Yes, these are complications relating to deep ancestry of the aboriginal Anatolians, the Assuyawans, across the north coast of the Euxine or Black Sea. The abduction of Helen was supposed a divine happenstance of two Fates interwoven, by the skeins of two royal partners at representative of their separate nation races. Those Fates were circumstantial to a time within the 14th century BC that had rendered Anatolia an imperial sub-continent, both over itself and the Middle East. We have a zenith of the Bronze Age which the Trojan War imbroglio and the rise of the New Assyrians sent into a crashing dissolution by 1190 BC.

Accordingly we shall have much more to say about Hatti Anatolia, Alexander and Helen, and the entirely successful High Kingdoms of Troias and Wilusas by extension and expansion of the Tröad Kingdoms. Don’t expect it to have any bearing or any similarity to the pre-Classical Tradition of History and Literature. Readers who seek to stay in that tradition, as many Classicists insist, are best referred to the outstanding illustrated Trojan War Saga by Eric Shanower, whose book covers I offer as samples below of his excellent serialization. We, in the meantime, or until we’ll resume about Helen Queen of Wilusas, must respectfully dissent from that traditional saga.

11……The House of Cephalos over the Cephallenes & Scheria Island
under the House of Phaiax

Bardot Blogs 169-179

Bardot Books has published four novella length Royal Archival Chronicles in series. They in turn compose a first volume, House Ascendant : Odysseus and His Family in the 13th Century BC. A full length book in a prospective series of such, and nominated The Ithacan League , they are biographical to the mainstream of Odysseus’ lifetime beginning with his birth in the recess of a cave during a deluge of storm.

A fifth novella under the pretense of Mentör son-of-Alkimos’ composition to “draft entablature” shall begin a next volume, House at Peace: The Sea Wanax Goes Courting. Its own title is the Scherian Intermezzo, about Odysseus’ last four teenage years under the appointed capacity of Fleetmaster over the Home Near Fleets and all supportive operations behind vast shipbuilding for the Ithacan League. Fully drafted as the cited Bardot Blogs, they are now being subjected to emendation that will make them chapters in novella, in keeping with the Royal Archival Chronicles. The Intermezzo is also by way of borrowing from the Archival Chronicles about the forbears of the Cephallenes, upon which Bardot Books is completing a series of five books at length about Cephalos and his youth as born to the Saronic Gulf Rim Powers. For completion this year, 2018, next year shall have us posting much about Cephalos further lifetime. Both in service to Thebes as a naval genius and navarchy, and also his second lifetime spent in and abroad of the Ionian Isles, the former Echinades Isles.

12……. Reconstruction of the Lifetime and Legend of Medeia, 1402 to 1323 BC

Bardot Blogs 180 and 181, with more to follow

The most challenging heroine and mythical personage of Greek Mythology has to be Medeia (Lat., Medea). Why? Because she is essentially inexplicable as Classical History and Literature have explained her. Classical Greek Mythology south to expunge her, and all ages Greek mythography subsequent to Classical Age Myths & Drama sought to isolate her biography whereby to diminish it. Apollonius of Rhodes’ Argonautica sought to fantasize her as a paramount sorceress of divine unto malevolent practices. He succeeded to the extent that he gave greatest precedence to the genre of Mystery Thrillers by defining what Means is in a robust sense, as inclusive the Murder Trilogy of Motive, Opportunity and Means essential to cloaking human homicide as perfect premeditated murder.

Far into the Age of Roman Imperial Occupation, late in the First century AD, Plutarch successfully sullied Medeia as the queen consort to King Aegeus over Attica, making way for the utterly fraudulent superhero of the Atticans, Theseus son-of-Aegeus by Aethra of Tröezen…….

Frontispiece to an
18th century AD Edition of Plutarch’s Parallel Lives

……The fourth book in Bardot Books’ serialization, Cephalos Ward of Eleusis : High Prince of Attica, is expository fiction in explication of why Medeia got away with all her outrageous murders. Most of them she inflicted upon vaunting men of tyrannical propensities, including her own father Aiëtes, by either killing them guilefully or ruining them through murders of closest kin, such as she did to her brother Apsyrtos. Her means was often concoctions, poisons or chemical brews, because they were means delivered to her victims by innocent third parties who trusted her too much as concocting healing brews and stews, often with the ultimate victim “in the Pot.” She got away with all her murders and the very fact that they were so many drove the Ancient Greeks, particularly the Ancient Corinthians and Athenians absolutely crazy. The best they could do at explaining the multiple exonerations was her tutelary goddess Hekabë, who is herself the most mysterious and elusive deity supposed at paramountcy by the religion of the Ionic Greeks. They do not make a case and just why that’s so is why we’ve composed two Bardot Blogs, one a book review by another awful recasting of her legend in part, about her escape with Jason from her ruthless father—a long a tedious voyage aboard The Argo, which is followed by an incarceration at Iolkos of Haemonia, a subrealm of Magnesia. By the time she has murdered Jason’s first cousin or uncle Pelias, the book manages to mangle the means to one of the most perfect murders committed it myth, the history of homicides and later world literature.

Our second Bardot Blog explains how Apollonius of Rhodes’ Argonautica is a novel of redaction. The Legend of Jason and Medeia was a third part to the greater Saga and Legend of the Heloïdes, “The Children of the Sun (Helos). There were three of them and only one son, the oldest child, Aiëtes. His formidable sisters were Cirkë and Pasiphaia (Lat., Pasiphae). Aiëtes was the father of Medeia, Chalkeopë and Apsyrtos by his highly ennobled and very rich wife Idyia [EED-ÿah a/o Ee-DEE-yah] off the Lower Isthmus of Ephyrëa, by estates at its south end and overlapping nearby Sikyon upon the Great Gulf. Our posting offers that greater literary background before it essays the Legend of Jason and Medeia in first past, until and through the ingenious murder of Pelias and Jason’s abdication as his successor to become the kept man of Medeia.

Future postings will be expository of her attainment to supreme governance over Ephyrëa until her exposure of Jason treachery against her and her beloved Isthmians. They’ll also by way of explication of why the Corinthians couldn’t live her down or get rid of her. And as though that is not enough, the last postings will explain how she would have saved the Atticans many a downfall after they and their allies of the Saronic Gulf obliterated imperial Minoa forever and anon.

for the Bardot Group

The 179th Bardot Blog: Epilogue in Re Scheria Island & Final Reckonings about Odysseus & Kassiophë

Our Intermezzo about Odysseus interim ranking as Fleetmaster – before his accession to Sea Wanax by the end of the decade of the 1360s BC – has not borne our usual conceit: to posture an authoritative treatment of prehistoric Greece through academic expository fiction. Our entire compositional process has been that of proto-history, certainly fictional, but its any conceit has been a paradigm by the New Greek Mythology – a treatment genre of protohistory in lieu of novelistic historical fiction.

We have tried to be authentic, of course, also real and robust, at capturing the five years of Odysseus’ teenage years from his goring of by a boar upon Mount Parnassos and serious convalescence until 1273 BC. Through the summer of 1269, his nineteenth year of age while abroad the high north of the Ionian Gulf, we admit to the gross speculation that he hoped to return to another ardent summer with Kassiophë. Because, all else we’ve said, she is a mythic person by the Bardot Group’s best informed mythography. Yes, we carry firm convictions that a matriarch of her fulsome character actually existed; and, too, that she led the House of Phaiax during its last royal generation of matriarchal supremacy over Scheria Island. By her and her mainland feudatory Ëpeiros, when that coastal hugging, oldest growth forest of a genuine immensity was barely known as “The Coast Across.” For whatever Scheria presented of her northern extent, there cannot be proof of the heritage tall tress of wide girths as we’ve postured them by the near mainland. Still, notwithstanding the awe of the Phaeaceans to behold the separation of their island Scheria from its feudatory after Odysseus had completed his epic sojourn with Alcinuos and Aretë in what in1240 BC, it must stand real enough that the last months of Odysseus’ return attest these fabled people as his own subjects by an antipode of Cephallenia and the Ionian Islands.  By his sojourn, even if hated by the god Poseidon, Odysseus was offered a gateway back into his realm’s real existence, whereby to regain through manifest divine agency his supremacy in full as the Third Wanax of the Cephallenes.

We could hardly dodge the opportunities to share with our lay readers Cephallenia at her best and mightiest, for what the maritime region was like during the second quarter of the 13th century BC. In the full vigor of its might as a sea power, and as well a true Thalassocracy – they are not quite the same –, how could we pass up challenging the legacy of the rhapsodists until Homer, and to the Epic Master himself, at the statement from “the Catalogue of Heroes” by The Iliad ? Why should we take for granted that Odysseus embarked from Ithaca for an expedition in embassy with only twelve great galley warships serving him support?

Our answer? No way: Not ever. Why should we?

Accordingly, this Epilogue is a final opportunity to declaim at our other conceits to have composed a book that likely shall never be published as credible prehistory about the early Greeks or as popular trade fiction posturing new story techniques. We know we’re a different ilk of scholar publishers, but that doesn’t mean we can’t be smart asses over a series of our Bardot Blogs now ended, especially designed for social media publication of what we can’t otherwise give over “to the trade.”

Milestones Put Past

Writ: Our series is now at end of what should be the Fifth Chronicle by Mentor’s Royal & Archival Series. It would continue his study of writ by a syllabary of current and well-established use while his 13th century BC was still young. His model and inspiration at the nuances of speech taken down in dictation – perhaps his genius’ foremost accomplishment of literacy – has become of his greatest friendship with Odysseus. Under our characterization, the Trojan War Hero has become a teenager unlike the Master, for having a fluency and keen ear whereby his especially rapid assimilation of broadly spoken languages. So we’ve place side by side a prodigy at cryptic writ next to a psychic of linguist of praeternatural gifts to learn new speeches. The rapport of the friends is peaking into collaborative renderings of final writ by their respective natural gifts as well. They achieve far beyond what Mentör once captured crudely by short hand etches of a stylus, and beyond what Odysseus  periodically corrects or emends subsequently in service to his friend, whereby to himself as well. Even as the friends are passing beyond their respective comings-of-age, in parallel fashions of such maturation of their talents, ever finer transcriptions into entablature are becoming possible.  Odysseus has proven amenable to such crude hewn etching of “first drafted” dictations by himself or third party speakers. Transcriptions of clearest consequence can then be passed to me for my art of translating Oldest Greek into modern idiom of English. That then is the essential how-to of S W Bardot as a translator, along with his profuse gratitude to “the Bardot Sisters” to synthesize “Mentor by Syllabary” into “Mentor by Alphabet” at a writ of Oldest Greek. It must seem highly circuitous, because it is, but such are the premises of the historicity that the New Greek Mythology works off of.


Dual Biography: For prehistory or protohistory to have become a genre of Oldest Greek literature, the writ must corresponds well with what Michael Ventris decoded and John Chadwick brought to common domain in the 1950s by the decoding of Linear B Minoan. They revealed that what was Minoan was actually Oldest Greek. And while that progress of realization is a major part of our academic expository fiction, our always grand endeavor, we can attest to the real possibilities of prose dictations as finally converted to the northwest Greek dialect that emerged from the Greek Dark Age in the 8th century BC. It in turn was conforming to the Greek of the Great Court of Mycenae and the alpine world Arcadian of the Highlanders. All three dialects wrought the sources off which Homer’s own reliance, until he recited off of Bronze Age centuries fully five centuries later than the onset of the Trojan War Era in the mid-1260s BC.

Accordingly, this translator resorts to Bardot Blogs – serial selections from major sagas of Greek Myths for their inherent historicity. I offer scholarly assessors of their recitative prose two fundamental bildungsromans. They’re about Odysseus and Mentör.  What’s also been permitted me of insertion from the epic literature of Homer, Hesiod, et al., about Odysseus in particular, attests my own efforts to sleuth out major mythic personages relating to his lifetime, off recitals mostly lost because none have survived to writ by dictation. Lost, too, because their famous forbears have been bedimmed, and some of them have been deliberately expunged by the Ancient Greeks of the 1st millennium BC.

We state with anxiety and nervous immodesty what the Bardot Group has attempted—a declarative writ where all persons at declamation, or participant in occasional repartee, expressed how self-confidently articulate they were. When in presence, whenever able to speak to a formal record, the audiences in which Mentör and Odysseus were participants could capture “the style of them.” If only intuitively felt, trust nonetheless that they were real persons; they’re not novelistic characterizations of a modern mode of stylization. Even when their voices are in substance by the recitations of heralds, whom those formal speakers sent forth or received as couriers “under orders of dispatch,” the wrought narrative is no less prehistorical about what they recited of their important activities, the considerable challenges they were facing and their strategic alliances.

Bardot Blogs: From the beginning of this Sixth Chronicle, and soon after our sloughing off the Fifth Chronicle to a serialization of Bardot Blogs No. 169-179, we’ve lapsed from dissemination by social media. We’re serious again at academic expository fiction. Accordingly, we’ve managed lengthy excursus and diversion about one young man of acknowledged greatness, and about another, Homer’s famous character at divine semblances and revelations. Intuitively, nevertheless, they are prehistorical men at enactments of a closely sharing friendship of each other.  Mentör does not share, however, when he performs his supplements, recitations of deepest hindsight from his far years ahead. Then  he’s another person, an elder saying about himself as a young man, a once avid student apprentice at artful writ by a first ever syllabary—one taught to him by refugee Cretan scribes who’d become immigrant Messenes pledged, in liege fealty, to the House of Neleus. Mentor the elder is writing from advanced years of age, but still he cherishes his years of youth. He wants to put right all his youthful adventures and exploits. Whether dome together, or while the long duration as Odysseus sundered from him, he’s not always in genuflection upon his long friendship with Odysseus. For even as their years apart were prolonged to sixteen years, [from 1255 to 1240 BC], that initial year began a slight change in Mentor’s authorial temperament. It shall next affect our immersions into the lost past of the Late Aegean Bronze Age, but not until we’ve met Helen, Mentor’s liege sovereign, and her husband Menelaos. Upon their introductions, Mentör’s prime years of manhood have him steeped in the Trojan War Era. I have already composed a serialization of Bardot Blogs about Helen. It, too, is in keeping with New Greek Mythology by synthesis of mythography that’s also biographical.

Two Men’s Next Prospects

What shall become lost too obviously from the Seventh Archival Chronicle, House at Courtship, is the innocence of two young men put past. Their constant discoveries of Cephallenia’s expansive ambit and unimpeded ascendancy throughout their teenage years has occluded the evils that lurk within the realms of arisen potentates. A great region and a greatest wilderness people have completed their own youths together as allied. Awhile a new maritime era, since 1352 BC as formalized, our sense, too, of an approaching zenith for the Highlanders as Helen’s totally devoted subjects. So the acme of the House of Cephalos shall also be an imperial reinstatement from within the Great Land, which shall prove utterly irrelevant the friends’ learned and technocratic educations. Our two young men, as next revealed through another protohistory of deep immersion, are ready to be imbued with Life as their ultimate and best teacher. Suddenly, therefore, we’re tentative, even a bit too anachronistic, through Mentor’s next induced treatments of Lakonian prehistory. Because once again our overview sends wide new ripples of a composing, highly sophisticated civilization and culture, that’s expanding circumferentially. Cephallenia’s earned expansion is, of course, in part to a great peace begun since the birth year of Odysseus, 1286 BC. Inevitable, therefore, that a new and briefly greatest sea power from the west become conjoined to a foreign region under a briefly very happy family, the House of Oebalos as founded, then established by the matriarchal dynasty of the Gorgophonids.

Mentor promises us his own adventurous next years at roles of diplomacy. Odysseus shall also be at embassy, but his role is hardly that of a plenipotentiary alike his friend’s. He shall renew, refresh and formally instate the Great Peace that was never acknowledged through the armistice that began in his own birth year.

The 178th Bardot Blog: No. 11 in Series Scheria Island & Final Reckonings about Odysseus & Kassiophë, Part III

Some First Reflections


Bureaucracy at its oldest forms and regimes was defined with great admiration in Antiquity. Its good workings rendered exemplary the royal administration of an ingenious sovereign such as Laërtes. So for why he was so well disposed to good counsel and hearings of his retained ministers awhile being personally “in presence” and holding royal court. His was the way that paramount decision making and authority could perform a whole governance on the brilliant intuition of a sovereign seemingly alone. Laërtes’ ministers of appointment, by a tradition of preferred promotion of nepots off the greatest families of the isles, easily exceeded those of the famous imperial courts by other realms during the Mycenaean Age. Once reigning alone and supreme, from 1275 BC, the Second Wanax of the Cephallenes began to condition his best ministers to bold outreach unto Cephallenia’s lowliest underlings.

What most distinguished the Ithacan League – and, perhaps, the Wanax Nestor’s  much enlightened Messenes as similarly conditioned – was their superbly integrated ministries by highly specified official retainers. True, they were mostly landsmen and not strongmen mariners by their best physical attributes. But they “belonged” as so specified at rank of preoccupation, and, too, they were grateful that they were utterly interdependent upon greatest seafarers whose highest naval commands were by Laërtes highest born peers comparable to themselves. Intermixed lowly underlings attained to outstanding skills were as brilliant ashore as all ilks of commanding seafarers aboard their ships.

Here, then, was what a civilization riding high and handsomely through a zenith was like. Identified with the imperial Argive’s House of Peace, the Dual Dynasty of Argolis so appraised, the far west of far ranging Islanders and Highlanders were also by the boon of a greatest man’s peacekeeping. Even if long unrecognized, he was the Great Wanax Regent Thyestes, a protogée of Cephalos as formerly a royal Argive plenipotentiary, he was also a somewhat older best friend of Arceisius and a always a man beloved to Laërtes on account of their armed services to the Long Turmoil from 1302/01 to 1286/85 BC.

And yet it would be wrong to say that Thyestes was anyways typical of the Mycenaean Age. Rather, he was the exceptional supreme man that he lived and earned his pre-eminence after dashing down so many of his paternal pedigree as exemplified by inept, mostly bellicose autocrats.

Bureaucracy was not yet about rigid establishments. It remained still intensely personal to the retainers themselves, by courtly directives and proceedings as between them and Laërtes. Their collective was entirely disposed to Odysseus as a matter of heart.  I shall call them hereon, please understand, ministers(-of-portfolio) rather than retainers or appointed administrators. For they were in kind to our modern ministers, absent any religious ordination, as constantly sent among the people to be steered by what the common orders had to say. What they had to deliver to lowly people was what Laërtes steering of them to meet the best interests of the common man at commonweal.

He was always entirely consistent with Timocracy by consciously molding the commoners to meritorious preoccupations at meld to esthloi, “the higher-ups” who were usually men by families of female of governance. Laërtes still believed in a matrix of vertical rankings with great breadth by divisions of labor properly coordinated. Guided self-interest always depended on the cardinal virtue of the Bronze Age Greeks, Charis, inthat they were of natural dispositions to prove their selflessness. That time was by a humankind whose value of the self, the sense of good and strong character, became of what family, friends and working associates said of a person. No inward self-satisfaction, therefore, all pride of a person was the self-dignity afforded by what poepe most respected had to say of what that person did, and thus what he or she was.

The greatest  personification of greatest charis in practice and of character would become Laërtes’ daughter-in-law Penelopë, perhaps the most beloved of all heroines of Greek Mythology. The Wanax would not know, or could not know, that another woman was to be found in Kassiophë, or that his son was so fortunate that she was fatuously in love with him.

Such operatives as manned the intermediary offices of our ancient polity were technocrats in all but name, even as ostensibly volunteers into their appointments. That term for them was not in the least way by way of this translator having to assert anachronistic language. Ministries and their bureaucratic drills each day performed what civilization was routinely doing and was about in Antiquity. Royal or highest born society had its own complicated hierarchies, but they were just the dross and gloss over the underlying mechanics of a finest conducted realm. Bureaucracy, therefore, was the operating machinery of a realm well invested with its available human capital. Without those best human resources there could be no common-wealth, either as a communistic agronomy or as capitalism by the mercantile commerce of “capital ships.” If anything, it was identifiable as our now discussed polity, such as closely approximated meritocracies borne during the Late Aegean Bronze Age.

Bardot Books contemporary chronicler, adept plenipotentiary and foremost master at writ is Mentör. About the time of 1269 BC I have him saying as follows.



 I must learn numeracy to a next most advanced expertise. So I did, even though I haven’t ever liked keeping accountancy exceot by teaching it to young practitioners. My royal tutor could expect no less of me, and so I was already becoming most worthy of the less accomplished sovereign for whom I was soon going to become fullest ready to serve. Nonetheless, I must find how much I loathed every first to last task of compiling any kind of rendition that must clarify through numerate exposition. I hated the Wanax’ algorithms and his constructed paradigms of fine logic. I detested the wrought parameters to the programmed tally registers which I had to  draft first and daily  to wet clay entablature. I hated all the top-to-bottom summing, the cross drills of checks and corrections. I detested putting a chain of tallies by separate source authorities – dry tablets incised –  into something coherent called a Journal or a Periodical. Mastery, alas, meant many such compilations  of registers and sub-registries, fed to me either by inputs until a whole unwieldy mass of numerate scratches and scrawls that the harbor clerisies wrought endlessly.


Mentör found utterly toxic to his mind the very notion that a sovereign must have a Journal Master constantly at his hand, or constantly on mission as his son Odysseus was as the Fleetmaster of the Cephallenes. He had no appreciation that Laërtes was exposing him to foreign sovereigns by useful probes into their affairs and major issues. That was a preparation that he anticipated to be of great potential importance to his young ward, whom he knew he’d soon have to pass back to his father Alkimos for missions alike to that which Mentör had mastered over four summers upon Scheria. The expectation of what his ward hated most, that Laërtes be constantly well briefed, was attuning the ward’s facile enough mind for numeracy, in particular into a readiness to recite to him impromptu, at the Wanax’ instant command.

Where had their ilk of master at writ and most literate liege lord been before Mentör and Laërtes? Were a superbly tutored ward and his sovereign master at tutelage, respectively, first ever exemplars?

A best answer?  They were easily found as persons of unprepossessing physiques  within the Great and Fleet Harbors of Ithaca Isle. There the scriveners of several “shop” clerisies operated their “studios,” or therefrom roamed near abroad throughout countryside amidst the matron governed dominions. Thereby they directly served the Medas as roving monitors, an essential service to the fleets for purveyance of fresh stocks for lading to ship holds, or for formal preparations of the staged logistics of resupply about which their Wanax was so ingenious a schemer. Methods and means had become ubiquitous yet covert by very small coteries of literate retainers. That was true most everywhere else, but they were as teeny flickering lamp flames, by many tallows and wicks alighted, none of which projected so intensely as the bright flame that illuminated the whole works and functioning parts of Ithaca’s sovereign literacy. No real wonder that it would finally matriculate as a yet unrealized, most self-deprecating Master-of-Writ such as we have in Mentör at the final advanced art picking words out of the air and onto a clay entablature by his deftness at scripting it while wedded to his palm of right hand.

Mentör, allow, still had to become that kind of Master above and besides his usefulness at routine archival duties. Fortunate, therefore, that he was a latent genius at the auditory and recitative masteries, whereas his easy close rapport with sovereign principals has allowed us to have abundant dictation composed off his fully emended writ upon goatskins off his original incised tablets. His underlings, moreover, were scribes of far better cheirography than his own handwriting, albeit mostly interpretable by Odysseus alone, after he got to hear or sometimes read Mentör’s work product.

In any case, we have Mentör getting around to the main subject of this Bardot Blog.y last summer’s end, [1268 BC], while again reunited with Odysseus and frequently abroad the near waters to Scheria Island, I was already conjuring how to dodge the capacity of Journals Master in all of its many roles. My ultimate relief from the burdens of the hated ministerial capacity, besides those few summers compiling the log extractions and deliveries of logs,, lay years far ahead of me. Then, though, a relief would arise from an entirely unexpected quarter of solace. Even upon that future’s arrived solace, it was not long afterwards that I must perform anew for my next leige sovereign and her able husband,  both  my sovereign superiors proving comparably attained as Laërtes-wanax at utilizing an accomplished clerisy. Suffice to say here, mastery of journals enabled me to become the most outstanding minister to all the sovereigns I would ever serve, because, I boast, all of them were the greatest persons born to our eon. Nonetheless, I did well at what I hated so much because I always knew the worth of the capacity itself to serve earliest and foremost thode “client paragons,” who just happened to be, besides, the few best practitioners of most literate and numerate sovereignty.

How Laërtes had brought his genius to the efficacious capacity is a story about earlier times, about a childhood which precedes the purview of our serialization of books so fairly well begun with House Ascendant. Allow his last summer of 1268 BC to have been the worst of the detested drudgery. Then he compiled, tallied and rendered to commentary a report approved and emended by Odysseus – by what we today call a full audit – by whom, as well, his own observations of an enduring overview. The friends together addressed costs, the netting of rewards or yields to evaluated important resources. Such crude profit and loss by probative accountancy had nothing to do with Mentör’s own chosen metiers by his usually practiced literate arts and sciences. Allow, therefore,  that he became brave enough at each ministerial task, perhaps just barely, or just adequately, directive of personnel in his charge—while still a humble seeming understudy of Laërtes’ finest mind at modeling his sovereignty by numerate understandings of discrete, nigh departmental field-based activities.

What grated his ward so constantly, of course, was that Laërtes’ example was so damnably difficult of replication. For the Wanax’ own talents at numeracy had been, and remained, as though a gigantic puddle duck afloat much too small a pond, where, nonetheless, a happiest milieu for his most natural  buoyancy to make the size and complexity of his affairs a mere puddle to float upon.

Leaving aside Mentör’s constant uneasiness as the “go-to” official accountant, allow here a shift to another topic and priority interest of Odysseus in his best friend. Knowing himself the efficacy of his own communications through Mentör to his father – accomplished through adept heralds regularly hastened away from Scheria under his dispatch – we  can assess his final report to Mentör in the next year – when absent from his boon friend at last – at this summation of the summertime and early autumn of 1269 BC.

He’d reported at just beyond that midsummers’ end, upon the arrival of the naval year month which preceded the autumn equinox, itself the wind-up of the felled timber season throughout the northern Ionian Gulf, those months were his pre-destined last ever to spend with Kassiophë. Perhaps intuiting that so, he had remained stationed far north, upon the so-called Water of Flight, where his deployments and drilled maneuvers of the most recently overhauled Great Gulf Galleys off ithaca’s Bathi Inlet’s. He even worked out of the landfalls along a bight whose southern arm would become modern Corfu Harbor. Staying close to her awhile pregnant with their fourth child together, she resumed “in presence” at the court she held seaside there. That afforded him an intimacy with her sovereign affairs as regular just before the returns of the  Scherian men from their long cruises abroad.

Disposed once again to the strategic authority of Lothröos, to whose North Far Fleet he, the Fleetmaster, was willingly subordinate, the equinox initiated the patrols sent forth in vigilance of piracy supposed possible as outbound the Floes. The high Autumn Watch preceded escort of convoys concentrating the bight, which was the where the high north circuit of fleet ambit ended with another whose end was the Maw of the Great Gulf. There were also merchant convoys at crossing beneath the ever perilous Floes and into the homeward bound via east coastal ports that ringed around Scheria’s northernmost commercial accommodations.

That last summer serves us an apt introduction of his early teenage years to know another great friend, also a future close relation by marriage – Lord Mentes son-of-Anchialos. By Cephalonia’s tiny but splendid merchant fleet harbor of Assos upon Erissos Jut, his father, a longtime merchant magnate entitled Great Lord, had Mentes as his chief liaison, operating in representation of their mutually involved great trading interests. By Mentes the intermediary functions of maritime commerce with and for the House of Cephalos.  Anchialos came by High Chiefs  over a loyal patron clan residing opulently  at Vasiliki, on the south shore of Taphia Isle, but a port insufficient for wide ranging coordination with convoy escorts. So for his dependancy upon Mentes as supercargo over merchant  marine and the governing logistics required of trade voyages back and forth the Water of Flight.

 Figure & Legend: The Floes north of the North Near Sea. Beyond the hegemony of the Ithacan League, the barren striations of verdure depicted have replaced the old growth  forestation of especially thick and tall pines that once characterized the coast  of later Dalmatia. A large but mostly becalmed archipelago, the Isles were ideal for haunts of pirates, whose defense against a major purge of superior naval strength lay within the “Prickly Forests” that concealed their remote opulence.

       Mentes had become by 1267 BC of a reputation for his high roving diplomacy at mercantile trade within and upstream the Eridanos River. His supercargoes operated throughout all western seas, but by Mentes’ reputation for bargains well kept, ever reliably maintained and judiciously imposing of parities of barter, all importers in southern regions, or native to insular dominions, could completely trust his traffics. For Odysseus, moreover, Mentes had become “a friend indeed for my any need.” Most every deed had required prompt deployment of capacious holds so that Odysseus could commandeer their merchant captains into many ways and means of expeditious logistical execution for his Home Near Fleet.

It seems that Odysseus had negotiated out of season an enhanced compact, by extension of what the League Council had heard and passed in 1271 BC. It went to the garnering of hardwood timbers for milling into highly valued lumber sections by many diverse species off fells otherwise far abroad than Scheria. Mentes took them in trade from such venues as the Ionian Sea afforded, supplementing the landfalls and interior environs of Pleuron, where, as previously discussed, a class of livestock transport barges needed those sections for their superstuctures constructed just prior to their launches. A collaboration with the Aetolian Highlanders, it promised an excellent commerce with Gulf Phokis as well, where Odysseus’ grandmother Amphithea ruled over hulk constructions dockside to her Port of Itea.. So for what led his finalized report via Mentör to his father, a first topic by a dictated work of the Master’s art.

In it he couldn’t help inserting about Mentör’s service in another fashion during the last summer spent together, when the Master had been yet again a lone bystander put aside of a great love affair and virtual royal consortship.  Over his four summers, Mentör had become blasé about the amenities lavished upon himself. They were served him in breadth and depth as a greatest friend relegated to henchman status. So he must feel a bit neglected while greatly pleasured as well over the long and yet gradual shortening twilights of between splendid new dawns and lingering twilights that soon would shove his south and homeward to Ithaca.

It seems Mentör had given as much as he’d received of hospitality. His absence the next year, therefore, had him greatly missed by Kassiophë herself, who had to admit herself greatly deprived of a most entertaining impresario – no other than our Master of Writ! Of course, Odysseus had become partner in that writ and most all advanced composition unto renditions for final transpositions. Such was a belabored and necessary pastime together, usually during time spent upon helm deck of great galleys while underway, or upon the to and fro’ of whiling away the time back and forth the forays of exploration after timber stands elsewhere the Ionian Gulf.

Most significantly, Mentör also had used his dawns and dusks to become the chum of the little toddling girl, who had become a tiny doyenne at lead of her baby brother and infant sister. Aretë woke him up as soon as his bed partner of that elapsed night had left him. Her timing usually proved impeccable at such intrusions, whereby her own needed escape from the clamoring of hunger pangs of the siblings that must coincided her own awakenings. While the babies were fed, the two chums played silly-word games together, before Mentör saw Aretë off to her just arisen mother from her bowers of bedtime with Odysseus. The courtesy of Arëtegenaia was also never to have her favoritie adult playmate lose a congenial evening of feast gatherings among the grownups. For he delighted her always the late afternoons when he felt particularly lonesome.

In odd ways, he also seems to have proven very deft at orchestrating playful occasions for dia-Kassiophë at hosting her most distinguished guests – many of whom were distinguished visitors besides the Cephallene senior commands.  Best of all favors to her, though, he would have the little girl follow him about as he served proxy for the Meda over those late afternoons, while he was preparing various staged settings for after-dinner entertainments. He conformed them to his best lessons learned from collaborations with the Tamia of Household, Eurycleia, “at home.” There both of them served happily under Anticleia’s directives to have all her young helpmates of household costumed and ornamented,  carefully rehearsed and pepped up at their spoken parts, before some closet drama theatrically performed. At Scheria, that sort of staged thatricals were mostly by his own best contrived skits for the sake od dia-Anticleia, as, say, mock pageantry and mummer antics –  at which Mentör had the quickness, alacrity and deft touch for delightful infilling of performances. He was apt to plagiarize of his Home Hostess as a “house impresario” above all others available to Kassiophë. All of that gave him a lot of diversion while the late afternoons, awhile his custody of “Arytay,” and awhile, we must expect, her mother was swooning over her swain and getting “in the mood” or “on” for each other…..

I dread here anew that I’ve translated to excessive redaction most all of such lusty pastimes to avoid the theme of an overly excessive frivolity by Scheria during those four midsimmers. I pull back, accordingly, less the abilities of the High Meda of Scheria lead her First Estate to seem somehow always mock serious, or recklessly self-indulgent, or even of some kind of inept management that was forgiven by a summertime idyllic realm utterly deserted of its true courtiers, ennobled ministers and other official competencies. Or, likewise to say, devoid of dutiful honor matrons and courtly maidens who themselves to most lustily deployed to distract them into lusty inclinations with the crews and commands off the visiting fleets.

By daytimes, admittedly, we know all, even too much, that really can be known of Scheria Island. Even in midsummers, notwithstanding that surfeit of carnal knowledge, Odysseus was always a fortnight away from every one spent at pleasuring Kassiophë rapturously. Left alone her time was spent in proof of her mission to have her First Estate  beholden to the Ithacan League and herself, the  most assertive governess of her royal peerage by her House of Phaiax. She placed especial great importance upon the High House of Cephalos, the clarity of the wanax Laërtes’ elevation into High King and Wanax having greatly impressed her over the last League Council [of 1271]. That he so richly deserved good returns for his promises to her said then and fully kept since, so too for his surrogate and son Odysseus over their four summers near and around Scheria together.

For all the pleasuring of each other intensively and by the fornights, there was no laxity before or after.  Kassiophë was forwarding and encouraging of a most promising Sea Wanax who would lead a more expansive tranquility abroad their shared Near Seas. In him she sought other bold relations than carnal ones to impose upon her Second Estate over next future years. He’d been at a strong advisory part in schemes to expand ambit, strictly by maritime commerce, while also their full deference to Laërtes’ form hold of the southern, formally fixed antipode of the Isles at opposite to her own by Scheria and her elongating shoreline of Ëpeiros. Thus Kassiophë was just as conscious of her northern antipode as Arceisius had always hoped his fraternity with Phaiax and Nausithöos might accomplish, for the elongation of the Ionian Gulf’s maritime corridor was a foremost project of Second Estate that consumed all months over which its ennobled seafarers were at home.

In short, Odysseus would report to his father, Kassiophë could become entirely practical of sovereign conscientiousness without Odysseus. Their intense midsummers together, every other fortnight while passing, was enough for their lusty lives. We also must suppose their scheming together as though at mutual ambitions to best serve their realms was the happiest formality that they could spend vicariously as true man and wife.

By Odysseus’ report to his father, it also becomes clear that she acutely sensed Cephallenia arriving to a next zenith, with Scheria not to become a least or ven a lessening dominion upon the verge of an ever strengthening sea power. She sought to bring Scheria up, to pari passu at least, to Cephallenia’s nigh imperial  standing, by a coalition with all the other major dominions governed by her “Southland Sisters” and their League Council of great heritage and legacies unto her forbears.

 A Thwarted Best Destiny

That would not prove out, however. Howsoever arms-length those sisters of dominions to her own First and Second Estates, it must suffice that each social order became effective as antipode north of the Ionian Sea Corridor. Lost only during the epochal absence of Odysseus, afterwards the Trojan War, was the whole of the rural and maritime disposition as finally fused into a comity respective to northern and southern ambits of a nigh imperial Thalossocracy. Notwithstanding that fusion of respective ambits, Kassiophë could not achieve alone, without Odysseus, the aspired future that they intended for their children together and for their highest peerages possibly enabled most selflessly by what Aretë and Odysseus’ sister Ktimenë could be groomed to become as Matriarchs over their respective maritime commerce ambits.

What Kassiophë could not ever match, by Scheria vis à vis  Cephallenia, was the strong affinity of the longshore north mainland to the southern insular regimes that became so devoted to Anticleia and Laërtes. Theit effective, almost virtual co-regency was helped by a great peace after the  the loose armistice that ended the Long Tirmoil as realized over the winter of 1286/85 BC.  What was fully under the House of Phaiax’ granted hegemony she had proved through her best coordination of Ëpeiros with the League’s timber prospectors, foresters, and woodsmen. Acting through Odysseus and his conscript crews, albeit always with Laërtes’ supreme backing, Mentör duly examined and found Scheria falling  far short of what the Echinades Isles could and should accomplish after the nearly four years of Odysseus’ full probation of the realm as Fleetmaster.

Kassiophë did not realize that a deep and dense forested littoral above the longshore referred to, ill-compared with coastal Cephallenia’s four main delineations of coastal hegemony—that above the Isles (1), along both sides of the Great Gulf (2 & 3) and along the Peloponnese’s South Sea (4). Ëpeiros and the coastal northland above remained still too primordial, still too savage, for any styled and sturdy monarchic governance such as Kassiophë’s forbears had managed to just barely evolve off the enriching exploitation of unique old growth forests of Ëpeiros—for exceedingly great they veritably were.

Much that her little known mother seems to have attained through the League during Arceisius’ vice-royalty for his father Cephalos had arisen through indentured laborers or through pirates afforded benign enslavement in lieu of their executions upon deep sea. Laborers although proved alpine scroungers even marauders, high northern mainlanders of mostly clannish way, and so impoverished of brains and plainest decency to allie together to form tribes. Mentör could hardly associate them favorably, by what he learned of the Illyrians, with his nation race of Highlanders. So he took as for granted that the Denaric Alpine Range descending from the far north Alps until coastally low mountains overlooking Scheria’s narrow sea lane, which formed her sound passing mainland, had not arrived to its own time. Rich and mostly still unexploited, such domain of greatest potential because rich in minerals and much more of heritage of growth forests owned no sufficient population to begin an Illyrian ascendancy. The population lay beyond to the east of earliest central Greece. Future Illyris of Northern Hellas became of the displaced masses off those lands, but until the Greek Dark Age they were too devoid of indigenous “human capital,” just as the Italian Peninsula was at mid-century the 13th BC before its influx by the proto-Etruscans.

The later nomos, or province, Ëpeiros, could not attain an ascendancy without the absorption of the intervening coastal dominion, small but fertile Thesprotia.  While that inclusion became just so to boost Ëpeiros with her, Thesprotia is first seriously addressed through the conclusion of the Zakynthian Incident about which a next Bardot Book shall address. So heed here and at last that Scheria Island was an isolated jewel that was compelled to become a most neglected, autonomous principality. By self -determination of the Meda Kassiophë, and the hybrid vigor imparted her daughter Arëtegenaia my the mating of two brilliant lovers, Scheria must be considered a lady-in-waiting, and less a commonwealth than the High Medas’ who governed them so resiliently during the epochal absence of Odysseus at formal courtship, perforce his parents’ ambitions for him.

So for how the Land of the true Phaiakians situated before they ever became Homer’s Phæacians [Phy-AHSH-yans, LG]. By his reckoning as thought within the early Lyric Age of Greece, their nation race became seafarers of such astonishing acumens that their only fear was their own blind and reckless trust in foreigners. Their tutelary god Poseidon had warned them severely against the mortal world below their insular ambit. Indeed, by the time that Odysseus was destined to known the Scherians “of Phaeacia” as though anew, he had become himself exactly such a dreaded foreigner as Poseidon must thoroughly dislike.

That, of course, was and remains all nonsense. Homer was correct about a single overwhelming fact: The men of highest peerage and most meritorious ranks by Scheria conformed to a polity of timocracy that was all their own, by a governance of complete self-determination of its matriarchs. The Second and First Estates continued to be divorced from the annual conscriptions of young men, who at age of sixteen must serve the crews of the Ithacan League for eight years. Accordingly, they would have no place or role in the Trojan War Era that was so soon to show its Advent beyond far eastern horizons across the Aegean Sea.

Why that was so for Scheria Island has long been a mystery to scholars. Homer evaded that perplexity by rendering Scheria the fantastic Island of the Phaiacians in The Odyssey. But there were other intervening reasons besides Odysseus’ unwittingly being forced to depart Kassiophë forever. They prove inherent to the official Third Volume of Royal Chronicles about the House of Cephalos, a proposed prospect for a Bardot Book which we shall entitle  The House at Outreach.

for the Bardot Group